
Class 
Book_ 



"7. 



UH3 



(Li 



LEONARD COX 



THE ARTE OR 
CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 



A REPRINT 

y 

EDITED 



WITH AN INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND GLOSSARIAL INDEX 

BY 
FREDERIC IVES CARPENTER, Ph.D. 



CHICAGO 

Gbe *mntx>ersiti2 ot Cbicago prc09 

1899 



llo^cj 



4"/?*.^ 







CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Introduction : I. The Beginnings of Prose Criticism in England 
— Value of Cox's Rhetoric — Life of Cox — Birth and Educa- 
tion — Travels — Date of the Rhetoric — Letters : from Erasmus ; 
to Toy and Cromwell — Leland on Cox's Learning — School- 
master at Reading The Frith affair — Later Years - 7-18 

II. List of Works by Cox ----- 18-22 

III. The Rhetoric of Cox — Renaissance Rhetoric — Pas- 
sages on Rhetoric in England preceding Cox : Traversanus ; 
Caxton ; Hawes — Aim and Plan of Cox's Work — Its Source : 
Melanchthon — Cox and contemporary English Prose — Chief 
English Writers on Rhetoric following Cox : Wilson, Jonson, 
Bacon _--.-._ 22-33 

A. — Appendix : Minor Rhetorical Writings of the Sixteenth Cen- 
tury in England : Sherry, Rainolde, Ascham, Fulwood, 
Peacham, Harvey, Mulcaster, Fenner, Fraunce, etc. - 33~34 

An Analysis and Outline of the Rhetoric of Melanchthon in 
Mosellanus' "In Philippi Melanchthonis Rhetorica Tabulae " 
(serving equally as an analytical Table of Contents for Cox) 35-38 

The Arte or Crafte of Rhethoryke, by Leonard Cox : 
Reprint of the edition of circa 1530, with variorum readings 
from the edition of 1532 - 39-88 

Melanchthon's " Institutiones Rhetoricae," 1 521: Reprint 

of the portion dealing with Invention - - 89-102 

Notes ....... 103-112 

Glossarial, Technical, and Personal Index - 11 3-1 17 



PREFACE. 

The object of this number of the English Studies of the Uni- 
versity of Chicago is to make accessible in a literal reprint the 
first Rhetoric printed in the English language. The work here 
reproduced is one of the earliest English schoolbooks and is 
significant for the history of English prose in the first half of the 
sixteenth century. It is moreover a work connected in many 
interesting ways with the humanistic movement and the revival of 
learning in England, and with Erasmus, Melanchthon, and their 
associates. In the Introduction I have endeavored to arrange and 
present all the important material available for the elucidation of 
the life and work of Cox, himself one of this circle. Much of this 
material apparently has been hitherto overlooked or insufficiently 
considered, but I have studied to present it without comment so far 
as possible. I regret that several points still remain in doubt and 
that I have been unable to discover and consult several works 
ascribed to Cox and here listed in the Bibliography of his Works. 

The digest of Melanchthon, Cox's principal source, by Mosel- 
lanus, is here given, inasmuch as the correspondence between the 
works of Cox and Melanchthon is so close that this digest serves 
equally well as an analytical table of contents for Cox. Later on 
the source in full in Melanchthon, so far as used by Cox, also is 
reprinted. The reprint of Cox's own text follows the undated first 
edition (A) of circa 1530, usually assigned by bibliographers to 
1524. Corrections and variant readings from the edition of 1532 
(B) are noted at the foot of the page ; but a few corrections in 
punctuation introduced in B have been silently adopted. Contrac- 
tions have been generally expanded and in all cases are indicated 
by italics. 

I desire to express my especial obligations to Professor W. D. 
MacClintock of the University of Chicago, who first suggested the 

5 



6 PREFACE 

present reprint. I am indebted for suggestions or for assistance 
received also to the authorities of the Library of the British 
Museum, and especially to Messrs. A. W. Pollard, R. Proctor, and 
Richard Garnett ; to Mr. Henry R. Plomer, London ; to Professor 
R. M. Werner of the University of Lemberg ; to Professor C. H. 
Moore of Harvard University; and to Professors Paul Shorey and 
J. M. Manly and Dr. Karl Pietsch of the University of Chicago. 

Frederic Ives Carpenter. 
University of Chicago, 
January 1899. 



INTRODUCTION. 

The beginnings of English literary criticism in the sixteenth 
century have a curious interest. In them, scanty and halting as 
The Beginnings they often are, we can trace the first expression of the 
of the Theory literary self-consciousness which was awakening with 
of English the growth of the new literature and the new civiliza- 
Prose - tion of the Renaissance. In poetry it is long before 

there is a full statement of principles 1 ; in prose, an artistic form 
much later in reaching its full development than poetry, it is longer 
still. The theory of prose, during the entire century and even far 
beyond the century, clings to the traditions of oratory and the 
classifications and precepts of ancient rhetoric, as modified and 
interpreted by Mediaeval and Renaissance thought. The first steps 
in the formation of, modern English prose are strangely timid and 
groping. Strong practical needs drive men to seek the means of 
ordered and effective expression in the prose vernacular. But native 
models of expression are lacking. Hence there is a movement of 
education and a resort to foreign teaching and aid. All England 
is at school to foreign models. 

It is in this way that the early English rhetorical treatises of the 
sixteenth century are of importance. They are documents in the 
Interest and history of English education as "they are in English 
Value of literary history. They did practical service in train- 

Cox's Work, jng men to ordered utterance, and at the same time 
they gave expression, at least in part, to the accepted theory of 
English prose. 

The first of these treatises by a quarter-century, and in its way 
the most interesting, perhaps as much for what it lacks as for what 
it gives, is the little work by Leonard Cox on the Arte or Crafte of 
Rhethoryke, herewith reprinted for the first time. 2 It is character- 1 
istic of its period and highly interesting as one of the rather slender 
list of productions by that little band of humanists and reform- 
ers in letters, education, and religion, of whom Colet, Lilly, and More 
were the chief members in England. 

1 See Scheliing's Poetic and Perse Criticism of the Reign of Elizabeth. 

2 The originals are excessively rare. I know of only two copies, that in the 
British Museum and that in the Bodleian Library. 

7 



8 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

I. THE AUTHOR AND HIS CAREER. 

Cox himself, scholar, schoolmaster, and preacher in the reigns 

of Henry VIII and Edward VI, so far as we can reconstruct the 

story of his career from the confused and defective 
Annals of the . , , . , , . 

. f f c materials at our command, although playing a minor 

part, seems to have led a life typical of the times and 
interesting in its vicissitudes. Educated at both universities, trav- 
eling abroad and teaching in three or four of the foreign universi- 
ties, translating from Erasmus, Melanchthon, and others, writing 
learned scholia and commentaries, Cox came into touch in one way 
or another with most of the great men of letters and of learning in 
his age, and counted among his friends such men as Erasmus, 
Melanchthon, Leland, Palsgrave, Bale, Faringdon, Toy the printer, 
and John Hales. He was in public employment, patronized by 
Cromwell, and pensioned off in a small way 1 among the other bene- 
ficiaries from the spoliation of the ancient religious foundations, and 
so finally became a preacher of the reformed religion under Edward 
VI and teacher in the grammar schools at Reading, and perhaps at 
Caerleon and Coventry. Cox thus witnessed and took his share 
in the two great movements of the first half of the century in Eng- 
land, that of the early Humanism, whose chief representatives were 
Erasmus and Colet, and that of the religious Reformation which at 
first was so intimately associated with the movement of Humanism. 
Concerning the date of Cox's birth we know nothing. It must 
be placed before the opening of the sixteenth century, for as early 
as 1 518 we find the learning of Cox already so well 

^ , T ., established as to secure for him the honor of deliver- 
Early Life. 

ing a Latin oration at Cracow in Poland. 2 It is prob- 
able that by this date Cox was teaching in the Academy at Cracow, 
where at any rate in 1524 we find him entered as full master. 

Between these dates, however, he had traveled elsewhere and 
had been concerned with other matters, for in 15 19 we find the 
following entry concerning him among the "Accounts at Tour- 
nay." 3 

1 See infra p. 16. 

a See entry of the title of this oration in list of Cox's works below, p. 18. 

3 In Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry J'//f,ed. 
J. S. Brewer (London 1867), Vol. Ill, No. 153 (24). 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 9 

" Mem. A horse and money given to Leonard Cokks to convey stuff 
from Tournay to Antwerp .... Money given to Leonard Cox, Shurland 
the jester and gunner, and to Matthew's brother at his going to school at 
Paris." 

The next definite date in the life of Cox which I can discover 
is the publication in 1524 of his scholia, in Latin, on the Latin 
poem on Hunting by the Cardinal Adrian. 1 This work is 
dedicated by Cox to " Iodoco Ludovico Dedo sevenissimo ac 
potentisj-zV^ Regi Poloniae a Secretis. Mcecenati suo. S. D. P." and 
the dedication is dated "ex Gymnasio nostro Cassoviae 2 MI 
Calendas Maij. Anno a Natali Servatoris. M.D.XXIIII." The 
work was published at Cracow in June of the same year. On the 
title page the poem is described as accompanied with " Scholiis non 
ineruditis Leonardi Coxi Britanni." All these references can hardly 
apply to a young man less than twenty-four years of age. 

Cox is said to have been the second son of Lawrence Cox of 

the city of Monmouth in Monmouthshire by Elizabeth Willey his 

wife, and the grandson of John Cox. 3 Of his edu- 
Education. G 

tion before entering college we know nothing beyond 

Bale's general statement that " from his very childhood he was well 
instructed in liberal studies," nor do we know the date of his enter- 
ing or of his receiving his degree at Cambridge, where it is stated 
that he was educated. 4 It is probable, however, that he graduated 
before 15 18, for without a university training, even in those days of 
precocious learning, he could hardly have occupied the position we 
find him holding in Poland in 15 18 and again in 1524, and have 
published such work as he then did. 

In 1524 at any rate Cox was abroad again, as we have seen. There 
he remained at least until 1527, since in 1526 we find him publish- 
ing another work in Cracow, 5 his Methodus Studiorum 
Travels. rr •. , . J ... 

Hnmaniorum,2j\Q. in 1527 Lrasmus is writing to him 

about affairs in Hungary. 6 

1 See entry of the title below, p. 18. There is a copy in the British Museum. 

2 1, e., doubtless Casehau, or Kaschau, in Upper Hungary. 

3 Cooper, Ath. Cantab. I, 94; Chalmers, Biog. Diet.; Diet. Natl. Biog. 

* Cooper, loc. cit. 

5 Panzer, Annates Typographici. See infra p. 18. 

6 See below, p. 11. 



io THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

It therefore seems improbable that the first edition of his Rhetoric, 
published without date, but assigned definitely to 1524 by many 

bibliographers, could have appeared in that year, 
Dcitc of Cox's 
_,. , . written as it is from his school in Reading. 1 Prob- 

Rhetonc. fe 

ably, however, somewhere between 1527 and 1530 

Cox returned to England and was appointed master of the school 
at Reading 2 by Hugh Faringdon, the Abbot of the place. He was 
certainly in this position before 3 February 1530, when he supplicated 
for incorporation and for M. A. at Oxford, " as being schoolmaster 
at Redyng." 4 

Again, it is impossible to assume with Hallam 5 that Cox's 
Rhetoric was written in 1524 and that his Methodus Humaniorum 
Studiorum in 1526 is a translation of the Rhetoric into Latin, for 
the simple reason that the Rhetoric is itself in greater part a trans- 
lation from a well-known Latin original into English, as I shall 
later have occasion to show, and there could be no reason for 
making another version in Latin by translating back from the 
English. 

In May 1527, Erasmus, whose name we find mentioned several 

times in the course of the following Rhetoric, wrote to Cox, who 

was probably still at Casehau, a letter which has been 

^ preserved among the Epistles of Erasmus (Erasmi 

Erasmus. r & r v 

Epistolce, Lugduni Batavorum 1706,982 C, Epistola 
DCCCLXVI). The following synopsis of the letter is given in 
Brewer : 6 

J See Cox's dedication to his Rhetoric, infra p. 39. 

2 John Man, History and Antiquities of Reading (Reading, 1816), p. 196, says 
John Long was master of this school from 1503 to 1530, and was "succeeded in 
1530 by Leonard Cox A. M." 

3 Not "soon afterwards," as is stated in the D. N. B. and other biographies. 

* In Boase, Register of the University of Oxford (Oxford, 1885), Vol. I, p. 159, 
the entry stands : " Cox, Leonard, B.A. of Cambridge sup. 19 Feb. 15 \\ for incor- 
poration and for M.A. and for disp. as being schoolmaster at Redyng." See also 
Cox's verses in Palsgrave's L Esclarcissement, in 1530, infra, p. 20. 

5 Hallam, Literature of Europe, Pt. I, ch. viii, at end. Followed by Jebb, 
article " Rhetoric " in Encycl. Brit., 9th ed. 

6 Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII, Vol. IV. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE n 

" Thanks him for his letters. Is sorry to hear of the ill-health of their 
friend Justus. 1 His Cofiia has been again edited six months ago. Gives 
an account of a [disputed] reading in Aulus Gellius, when, twenty years 
ago, he was engaged at Sienna in teaching Alexander, the archbishop of St. 
Andrews, brother of the present king of Scotland. Basle, 21 May, 1527." 

In addition I find in the original letter the following passage, 
the precise bearing of which perhaps cannot now be explained, but 
which is interesting as throwing some light on Cox's ambitions and 
affiliations during his abode in Poland. The churchman referred 
to may possibly be the Justus already mentioned in the letter ; 
while "Cassoviensis" evidently refers to the Cassovia or Casehau 
already mentioned as the seat of the school whence Cox dates the 
dedication to his Scholia on the Venatio of Adrian : 

" Ecclesiastae Cassoviensis animum satis admirari non possum ; censeo 
fortunam amplectendam, vel ob id quo pluribus prodesse queas, vel ob 
hoc ne pessimo cuique sis contemtui. Etsi qui dignitate praeeminent 
non possunt omnia corrigere, quae geri conspiciunt vel a populo, vel 
a Principibus, tamen non parum malorum possunt excludere. Si nos 
invisat, reperiet nihil aliud, quam pro thesauro carbones." 

Cox apparently did not embrace the opportunity suggested, but 

soon after returned to England. Whether he made any other 

sojourn abroad is doubtful, and it is probably during 

x s earn- i\ iese y ears that his reputation as a European scholar, 
ing : Leland's 
Encomium testified to by Leland, Bale, and other and later 

biographers, 2 was established. Leland's verses are 
interesting, and taken in connection with Erasmus' letter, show us 
among other things the comparatively high regard in which Cox 
was held in his own day, and evince at least some sort of a connec- 
tion with Melanchthon : 

x The Justus here referred to is probably Justus Jonas (1493— 1555), Luther's 
coadjutor and a friend of Melanchthon and Erasmus. See Letter of Erasmus to 
Jonas, June 1, 15 19, in Erasmus' Epistolce, lib. V, ep. 27. See art. on Justus in 
Herzog & Plitt's Real-Encyklopddie fur protestantische Theologie und Kirche, 
Leipzig, 1880. 

2 E. g., Knight, Life of Erasmus, p. 229, tells of Cox's travels in France, 
Germany, Poland, and Hungary, and states that he " taught there the tongues, 
and became more eminent in Foreign Countries than at home." 

Browne Willis, View of the Mitred Abbeys, 1719 (Appendix II of Leland's 
Collectanea) : " Cox was a man universally celebrated for his Learning and Elo- 
quence. He is one of Leland's Worthies." 



12 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

" AD LEONARDUM COXUM. 

Inclyta Sarmaticse Cracouia gloria gentis, 

Virtutes novit Coxe diserte tuas. 
Novit et eloquii phoenix utriusque Melanchthon, 

Quam te Phoebus arnet, Y\tr\\isque chorus. 
Praga tuas cecinit, cecinitque Lutetia laudes, 

Urbs erga doctos officiosa viros. 
Talia cum constent, genetrix tua propria debet 

Anglia te simili concelebrare modo. 
Et faciet, nam me cantantem nuper adorta 
Hoc ipsum jussit significare tibi." 1 
In or about 1530, then, Cox was appointed master of the gram- 
mar school of Reading, Berks, under the patronage of the Abbot 
Hugh Faringdon, a man of some prominence in the 

, _ ,. political and religious affairs of the day. And soon 

at Reading. r & J 

afterwards Cox was incorporated at Oxford, receiving 

his B.A. degree there Feb. 19, 1530 N. S. Cox appears to have 

remained at Reading as schoolmaster, with occasional journeys 

elsewhere connected with other matters, from 1530 to 1541. 

In or about 1530 also I date conjecturally the first edition of 
Cox's Rhetoric, for the reasons given above. The second edition 
appeared in 1532, with a few slight changes, to be noted further on. 

In 1530 appeared John Palsgrave's " L'Esclarcissement de la 
Langue Francoyse," in which occur two sets of prefatory Latin 
verses written by Cox, 2 the first being headed " Leonardi Coxi 
Readingiensis ludi moderatoris, ad Gallicae linguae studiosos, Car- 
men," while the second are complimentary verses " Eiusdem Coxi 
ad eruditum virum Gefridum Troy de Burges Galium." 

In 1532 we hear of Cox again at Reading. About the middle 

of this year John Frith the martyr, venturing back to England after 

his long exile abroad, visited Reading, where on his 

Cox Aids the arrival he was set in the st0 cks. " Cox," says Wood, 

Protestant , .. ... . . . . 

Frith "who soon discovered his merit by his conversation, 

relieved his wants, and out of regard to his learning 

1 "Principum, ac illustrium aliquot, & eruditorum in Anglia virorum Encomia, 
Trophasa, Genethliaca, et Epithalamia. A Joanne Lelando Antiquario conscripta, 
nunc primum in lucem edita." London 1589. Page 50. "Lutetia" of course is 
Paris. 

"Cited infra, p. 20 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 13 

procured his release," x — a deed worthy of a Humanist and friend 
of Erasmus ! 

In 1534 we get a glimpse of Cox's occupations and ambitions 

in a letter of his dated from Reading, 13 May [1534J, and addressed 

to " the Goodeman Toy, at the Signe of Saint Nicholas 

6 er ° y in Powles Churchyarde." 2 It is to be found among 

the Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII 

in the Record Office, Vol. VII, No. 659 : 

" Goode man Toy : I hartely commend me to you and to your good- 
wife and here I have sent you the paraphrase of Erasmus with the epistle 
of saint Poule to Titus, and my preface made, as you can bere me recorde, 
but sodaynly. Wherfor it canwott be but easy. Neuertheles I wyll desyer 
you to show it vnto the right wurshipfull Master 3 Cromwell, and in any 
wise to know his pleasure whether it shall abrode or not. If his mastershipp 
think it meate to be prentid, 4 I shall, if it so pleas him, either translate 
the work that Erasmus made of the maner of prayer or his paraphrase 
vppo# the first and seconde epistle to Timothe or els such works as shall 
pleas his mastershipp, and dedicate also any suche labours to him. But 
if this that I have done shall nott pleas his mastershipp, my trust is yet 
that he wyll take no displeasure with me, seing I did it for a goode 
entent as the preface to the redar declareth ; and agayne I wold not have 
it abrode with out his pleasure afore knowen. I am also a translating of 
a boke which Erasmzzs made of the bringing upp of children, which I 
entend to dedicate to the saide Master Cromwell, and that shortly after 
Whitsontide. 5 Moreover it is shewid me that his mastershipp is recorder 
of bristow [Bristol], wherfor if I may know by your letters that he is con- 
tent with my doings, I entend to write to him to besech him to be my 
goode master for the obteynyng of the fre schole there ; for though I 

J Cf. Wood's Athen. Oxon. ed. Bliss I, 74; Cooper, Athen. Cantab. I, 47; 
Foxe, Actes, etc.; Diet. Natl. Biog.; etc, 

2 A synopsis is given in Gairdner, Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry 
VIII (London, 1883), Vol. VII, No. 659. 

3 1, e., written before Cromwell had been created a baron in 1536. 

4 Not printed apparently until 1549, long after Cromwell's death. See, infra, 
p. 21. 

s If this translation were ever completed it was never printed. The subject is 
one with which the age was greatly occupied. See Elyot's " The Governor." See 
also " A Lytell Booke of good Maners for Chyldren by Erasmus Roterodam, with 
Interpretacion of the same into the vulgare Englysshe Tonge, by Robert Whytyn- 
ton, Laureate Poete " (London, W. de Worde, 1522). 



14 THE ARTE OR CRAETE OF RHETHORYKE 

have many goode masters in the cawse, yet I had \euer have his favour 
then all the oothers. 

Ye, and it so pleasid his mastershipp, I wold be right glad to bere the 
name of his servant, and so, if you have oportunite, I pray you shewe 
him, and send me worde what answere you have. flare you well, fro//? 
Reding the xiijM day of maii. 

Your own 

leonard Cox. 

The Goodman Toy to whom this letter was written was the 
printer John Toy, who issued in 1531 a Gradus Comparationum 
cum verbis anomalis simul cum eorum compositis, — " Imprinted at 
London, in Poules chyrche yard, at the sygne of saynte Nycolas, by 
me John Toye." z Wolsey's fall occured in 1529 and by 1533 
Cromwell's position and power were well established. Cox is turn- 
ing to the rising sun. 

We do not hear of Cox again till 1540, when 

we find him writing directly to his patron Cromwell 

as follows : 

Pleas your good Lordeshippe. Whereas I your poore bounden ser- 
vant and dayly bedeman have often tymes considered your speciall goode 
favour towarde me in tymes past when I was wayting in the courte 
on Sir Iohn Walloppe, 2 whiche it afterwarde pleasid you to renew of 
your singular goodnes when I was last in your Lordeshippes presence att 
Thorneburie, 3 — I have ben at all tymes greatly ashamed of my self that 
I had nothing whereby I myght declare again to your goode Lordeshippe 
my faithfull harte and serviceable mynde for your so great beneuolence. 
Where vppon I have at the last drawen a comment vppon a boke made 
some tyme by master lillie & correctid by Erasmus, whiche work of 
grammer is moche set by in all scholes bothe on this side the sea & 

1 Herbert's Ames, I, 482. 

2 English ambassador at Paris in 1533 and later. Soon after Wolsey's death a 
violent quarrel occurred between Cromwell and Sir John Wallop. (Cf. Jas. 
Gairdner, art. " Cromwell " in Diet. Natl. Biog.). The "tymes past " alluded to 
were probably subsequent to this event. Cox, who was a good linguist, knew 
French, and had probably lectured in Paris, may have attended Sir John in one of 
his embassies. At any rate we learn from this that Cox had been at court. 

3 In Gloucestershire, no great distance from Caerleon and Monmouth, two 
other places associated with Cox, and easily visited by one traveling from Read- 
ing. So Reading itself would be naturally visited by one passing from Caerleon 
or Thornbury to London. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 15 

beyonde. 1 This comment of myne made vppon the saide boke, I have 
here sent and dedicatid to you my special] goode Lorde, as parte of 
witnes of my faithfull service owid to you ffc^yowr singulare goodnes to 
me your poore bedeman. And thowghe my saide diligence be fer beneth 
my dutie to your so singular beneuolence, yet I moste humbly beseche 
your moste goode Lordeshippe to accept it. And I shall, God willing, or 
long dedicate to you better things. Our lorde preserve yoz^r estate 
with all pr<?sp<?rite and encrease of honore, 

Your goode Lordeshippes 

bounden servant & bedeman 

Leonard Cox 
Endorsed : " To the right honorable and my speciall goode lorde 
the lorde prevy seale." 2 

The second letter is as follows : 

My singulare goode Lorde : pleas your goode Lordeshippe to vnder- 

stonde that a lytle afore Whitsontide I receyvid a letter from M. Berthlet 

prenter to the Kings moste honorable highnes, wherin he 
Second Letter .- , , , , , . , 

_ .. certified me of your lordshippes goodnes towarde me as 

well in accepting my poore boke 3 as in admitting me 

into your service, and of a ferther primes of your speciall benevolence ; 

ffor the whiche I am moste bounden of all men nott onely to employ my 

self w.ztA all trewe diligence to do your Lordshippe the best service that I 

can, but also to be your dayly bedeman during my life. I beeeche your 

good Lordeshippe to pardon me that I have not or this tyme, as my dutie 

is, geven attendaunce on yoz^r Lordshippe. But I trust or Michaelmas to 

bring with me to you a ferre better worke than that which I have dedicate 

to yowe all redy, & that vppon rhetorik, -which I entende to entitle Erote- 

mata rhetorica. I knowe right well the feblenes of my witte is suche that 

in oother things I can do your lordeshippe but small service or none ; yet 

in this I trust so to serve you that the worlde shall alwaies be myndefull of 

yottr singulare beneficence, not to me onely, but to all that be studiouse of 

goode lernyng. Wherin I will neither spare busy studie & labour, nor 

coste on books. And ons eu<?ry yeare I entend during my life, by Goddes 

1 Published 1540. See list of Cox's works, infra, p. 21. 

2 This letter, of which he gives a synopsis, is dated April 1540 by Gairdner 
in his edition of Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII (London, 1896), 
Vol. XV, No. 614 ; see also No. 706. Cromwell was made Lord Privy Seal 2 July 
1536, and was executed on 28 July 1540. It was evidently written before Whit- 
suntide : see next letter. 

3 1, e. The Latin Commentaries on Lilly, printed by Berthelet in 1540 (see 
Herberts' Ames I, 438), and spoken of in the preceding letter. 



1 6 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

grace to set abrode one thing or oother to the perpetuall praise of your 
Lordeshippes most excellente vertues, & the commune proufiteof students. 
Thus wz't/z all humilite I for this present tyme take my leve, beseching 
the blessid Trinitie long to preserve your goode Lordeshippe wzt/i con- 
tinuall encrease of most prosperous honour. 

Written at Caerleon in Wales on Trinite sonday I 
Your goode Lordeshippes 

poor servante & bounden bedeman 

Leonard Cox. 
Endorsed : " To the right honorable and my singular goode Lorde the 
lorde prevy seale." 

The Erotemata Rhetorica unfortunately we do not possess. It 
is likely enough that the confusion and change of fortune inter- 
vening on the tragic ending of his patron so soon after writing these 
letters prevented Cox from going on with his plan. 

This last letter, it will be noticed, is dated from Caerleon, in 

Wales. Whether Cox, whose birthplace was in Wales, was there 

simply on a visit, or whether he had gone to reside 

there, perhaps after the equally tragic death of his 

old patron, the Abbot of Reading, 2 in 1539, and was teaching school 

there, as Wood 3 conjectures, is uncertain. 4 

It is, however, certain, whether in the meanwhile he had left 
Reading or not, that on Feb. 10, 1541, a royal patent 5 was issued 
Roval Grant granting and confirming to Cox the office of master 
to Cox at of the grammar-school at Reading— " Dedimus et 
Reading. Concedimus," as the document runs, "ac per Prae- 
sentes Damus & Concedimus eidem Leonardo Officium Magistri 
sive Prozceptoris Scholar Grammaticalis sive Ludi literarii Villse 
nostrae de Reading in Comitatu nostro Berks." The patent then 
proceeds also to grant to Cox the messuage which he was then 
occupying, together with a plot of ground adjoining "ex parte 

r I. e. 23 May, 1540. 

2 See infra, p. 104, note to p. 1, line 3. 

3 Athen. Oxon. ed. Bliss, I, 123: "In the year 1540 (32 Hen. 8) I find that 
he was living at Caerleon in his native country, where I think he taught school." 

4 Note however the terms of the patent rehearsed below, by which it appears 
that Cox was still technically occupying a messuage pertinent to the school at 
Reading at the time of the issuing of the patent in 1541. 

s Given in full in Rymer's Fcedera (London, 17 12), Vol. XIV. p. 714. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 17 

Australi, .... ac etiam quoddam aliud Mesuagium sive Domum 
in Reading prsedicta, modo in Tenura & Occupatione prsedicti 
Leonardi vocata A Schole-house, in quo Pueri modo erudiimtur & 
docentur in Arte & Scientia prsedictis." It is also provided that 
Cox during his lifetime may hold the grant by deputy. In addition 
he is to receive "quandam Annuitatem, sive Annualem Redditum 
Decern Librarum . . . . de Exitibus, Proficuis, Firmis & Reven- 
tionibus Manerii nostri de Cholsey in dicto Comitatu nostro Berks." 
The manor of Cholsey, from which Cox was to receive his annual 
stipend of ten pounds, belonged to the lately dissolved monastery 
of Reading. 

Of Cox's later years we know very little. Bale, in his brief 
account of Cox, mentions vaguely only one date. "Claruit," he 
writes, "anno Domini 1540." 1 Tanner, 2 giving Bale 
as his authority for the first date, says : " Claruit 
grandsevus A. MDXL . . . . vel A. MDXLIX. Vid. Praefat. 
Paraphr. ad Titum." Tanner thinks that perhaps Cox was master 
of the grammar-school founded at Coventry by his friend John 
Hales, to whom he dedicates the translation of the Paraphrase just 
referred to. Colvile 3 and Cooper 4 both positively assert that he 
became master there in 1572. Cooper adds that "if he held that 
appointment till his death, he must have died in 1599, when John 
Tovey succeeded to the mastership." At this last date Cox would 
have been probably over a hundred, and on his appointment at 

1 Bale, Scriptorum Illustrium maioris Brytannice Calalogus, Basle, 1557, 
p. 713 (Centuria nona, no. xxxi). — The whole of Bale's account of Cox, as that 
of a contemporary, is interesting, and, as it is short, may be quoted here : 
" Leonardus Coxus, ab ipsa pueritia, liberalibus disciplinis bene institutus, rhetor, 
poeta, ac theologus, piusque divini verbi demum concionator, transtulit e Graeco 
in Latinum venerabilis antiquitatis scriptorem, Marcum Eremitam de lege et 
spiritu, lib. I. Transtulit in patrium sermonem Paraphrasim Erasmi in Paulum ad 
Titum, lib. I. Incip. Postquam regiamajestas per. Scripsit contra eos qui ab operi- 
bus justificant, lib. I. Scripsit et scholia in G. Lilium, de Octo partium construe - 
tione, lib. I ; ac diversi generis carmina et epistolas, lib. I. Claruit anno Domini 
1540." 

2 Biblioiheca Britannico-Hibernica (Lond. 1748), p. 205. I regret that I have 
been unable to verify the reference to the Preface to the Paraphrase of the Epistle 
to Titus. 

3 Colvile, Worthies of Warwickshire, p. 883, 

4 Cooper, Athence Cantab.; also in Diet. Natl. Biog. 



1 8 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

Coventry over seventy ! If the .name of Leonard Cox appears in 
the list of the masters of the Coventry school, the conjecture may 
be hazarded that this was perhaps a son of our Leonard Cox bearing 
the same name. At all events it is evident that Cox lived on into 
the reign of Edward VI, under whom it is stated 1 that he was one of 
the licensed preachers. He left a son Francis, 2 who became a D.D. 
of New College, Oxford, in 1594; and according to Knight 3 
another son, William, who was more likely, as others state, a 
grandson. Cox's name since his death has been known to few 
except professed antiquarians. 

II. LIST OF WORKS BY COX. 

(Works aboutHhe existence of which there is considerable doubt 
are enclosed in brackets.) 

1. Coxus, L. De laudibus Cracoviensis Academiae 8 Idus 
Decembris habita oratio a 15 18. Cracoviae, 4 , Vietor. Copy in the 
Czartoryskische Museum in Cracow. 

2. Adriani Cardinalis Venatio, una cum Scholiis non ineruditis 
Leonardi Coxi Britanni. [Colophon :] Cracouiae, in aedibus Hier- 
onymi Vietoris Typographi diligentissimi. Mense Iunio. An. D. 
M.XXIIII [sic]. 

There is a copy in the British Museum and one also in the National 
Library at Paris. In the Dedication Cox discusses the Latinity of his 
author, the value of the book for reading in schools, and how it has 
helped to repel barbarous Latinity and to lead the way back to Cicero. 
There is a word in praise of Politian, who, it will be noticed, is cited 
also in the Rhetoric. Cox's text is merely a scholastic commentary, 
line by line, on Adrian's verses. At H iiij recto there is a mention of 
Erasmus. 

3. (a) Leonardi Coxi Methodus humaniorum studiorum. Cra- 
coviae in sedibus Hieronymi Vietoris, ipsis Calendis Augusti Anno 
M.D.XXVL 

(d) Also in the same year a second edition with the same title, 
but the following imprint : Cracovias in officina typographica 
Matthiae Scharffenberg. Anno M.D.XXVL 

From Panzer, Annates Typographici (Norimbergas 1798) Vol. VI, pp. 
468-9. It will be noticed that the first edition is from the same printer as 
No. 1. I have been unable to discover a copy of either edition. 

1 Tanner ; Chalmers ; etc. 2 Cooper ; Wood ; etc. 3 Life of Erasmus. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 19 

4. De erudienda iuventute ad P. Tomicium. Cracovise, 1526, 
Vietor. 

5. 0) The ^rte / or Crafte of / Rhetho/ryke/. [n. d.] [Colo- 
phon :J Imprinted at London in Flete strete / by me Robert Red- 
man / dwelling at the sygne of the George / Cum priuilegio./ 

{b) The Arte / or Crafte of / Rheto/ryke./ [within a rude orna- 
mental border]. [Colophon :] Imprinted at London in Fletestrete 
by saynt Dunstones chyrche /, at the sygne of the George / by me 
Robert Redman, The yere of our lorde god a thousande / fyue hun- 
dred and two and thyrty /. Cum priuilegio. 

The Dedication in both editions is addressed to Hugh Faryngton, 
Abbot of Redynge, by Cox — " Leonarde Cox" in (a) and "Leon. L rde 
Cockes " in (d). Both are printed in "eights" in very small 8vo size 
(i6mo). In (a) the signatures run from A i to F iiii, a total of eighty- 
eight pages, about thirty lines to the page ; in {b) to F viii or ninety-six 
pages (ninety-one pages of text), about twenty-nine lines to the page. Both 
are in black letter of apparently the same font. 

For reasons given above (p. 10) I date {a) conjecturally circa 1530. 
It is not impossible, however, that (J?) was the first edition, although it is 
highly improbable (see notes infra p. 103). Considering the close similarity 
of the two in typographical appearance it is not likely that they were 
separated in date more than two or three years, (a) is the basis of the 
present reprint, although all the more important variations in (J?) have 
been noted. There is a copy of (a) in the British Museum, and of (J?) in 
the Bodleian Library at Oxford. Mr. A. W. Pollard of the British Museum 
conjectures from its appearance that (a) was printed circa 1530 ; Mr. R. 
Proctor puts it circa 1535. In the British Museum catalogue and by 
most bibliographers it is put in 1524. Redman, the printer of this work, 
began business in 1525 and died in 1540. Herbert, however, says in a 
note : "Mr. Ames was informed that he [Redman] began printing in the 
year 1523 ; but he had not seen any proof of it before 1525 ; neither have 
I" (Herbert's Ames' Typographical Antiquities, London, 1785, Vol. I, p. 

385). 

This is the work mentioned by Tanner in his list of Cox's works as 
"De rhetorica anglice. Hollinsh. iii 978. Librum aliquem dedic. 
Hugoni abbati Readingiensi." Hollinshed, in the passage referred to, 
merely mentions Cox as the author of a Rhetoric in English not mentioned 
by Bale. 

6. Latin Verses appearing on the verso of the title-page of John 
Palsgrave's L? Esclarcissement de la- Langue Francoyse, 1530; folio. 
As follows : 



20 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

Leonardi Coxi Readingiensis ludi moderatoris, Ad Gallicae 
linguae studiosos, Carmen. 

Gallica quisquis amas, exacte verba sonare, 

Et pariter certis jungere dicta modis, 
Nulla sit in toto menda ut sermone reperta, 

Pro vero Gallo, quin facile ipse probes, 
Haec euolue mei Palgraui scripta diserti, 

His linguam normis usque polire stude. 
Sic te miretur \audetgue urbs docta loquentem 

Lutecia, indigenam iuret et esse suum. 

Eiusdem Coxi ad eruditum uirum Gefridum Troy de Burges 
Galium, Campi Floridi authorem, que^ ille sua lingua Champ 
Fleury vocat, nomine omnium Anglorum Phaleutium [sic]. 

Campo quod toties Gefride docte 
In florente tuo cupisti, habemus. 
Nam sub legibus hie bene approbatis 
Sermo Gallicus ecce perdocetur. 
Non rem grammaticam Palaemon ante 
Tractarat melius suis latinis, 
Quotquot floruerantue posterorum, 
Nee Graecis melius putato Gazam, 
Instruxisse suos libris politis, 
Seu quotquot praetio prius fuere, 
Quam nunc Gallica iste noster tradit. 
Est doctus, facilis, breuis^z^ quantum 
Res permittit, et inde nos ouamus, 
Campo quod toties Gefride docte 
In florente tuo cupisti, habentes. 

These doubtless, and perhaps others, are to be included in the "diversi 
generis carmina et epistolas, lib. I," written by Cox, according to Bale, 
and described by Tanner in the following terms : " Epigrammata varia et 
epistolas. Duo ejus carmina (i) Ad lingua Gallicce studiosos ; (2) Ad 
Galfr. Troy auctore7n Gallicum ; praefiguntur Lexico Joh. Palsgrave, 
Lond., 1530, fol." 

The Geoffrey Troy addressed is alluded to by Palsgrave in the " Epis- 
tle" as "Geffrey Troy de Bourges (a late writer of the frenche nation) in 
his boke intituled Champ Fleury." Troy, or Tory (Lat. Torinus), was a 
celebrated printer, engraver, scholar, and author of the time. See, e. g., 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 2 1 

the " Summaire de Chroniques .... translate de Latine en Langaige 
Francoys, par Maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges," 1529. He was born at 
Bourges c. 1485, and died 1533 at Paris. Palsgrave's phrase, above, 
probably does not mean to refer to him as dead, but as having lately writ- 
ten books. "Son oeuvre capitale est un ouvrage qu'il composa et publia 
sous le titre de Champ fleury, auquel est contenu art et science de la due et 
vraye proportion des lettres attigues, qu on dit autrement lettres antiques, et 
vulgaire?nent lettres romaines, proportionnees selon le corps et le visage 
humain (Paris, 1529) .... ou il jette les bases d'une nouvelle grammaire 
francaise." (Larousse, Grand Dictionnaire Universel, XV, 325.) 

7. Translation of Erasmus' Paraphrase of the Epistle of Paul, to 
Titus, with a Preface. Made in 1534 (see supra p. 13), but appar- 
ently not printed till 1549, in "The Paraphrase of Erasmus vpon 
the neweTestamente," London, Edw. Whytchurch, 1548-9, two vols., 
folio; in Vol. II. 

Cf. Lowndes, Bibliog. Man, 748. Described by Tanner as follows : 
E Latino in Anglicum sermonem Paraphrasim Erasmi i7i Paulum aa 
Titum lib. I. Pr. ded. mag. Johanni Hales. "After that the kinges 
maiestye." London, 1549, ubi se alia industriae monumenta brevi missu- 
rum promittit. 

[8. Translation of "a boke which Erasmus made of the bringing 
upp of children": in 1534. See supra p. 13. Probably not 
printed.] 

9. Commentaries upon Lilly : " De octo orationis partium con- 
struction Libellus, editus a Guil. Lilio, emendatus ab Erasmo Roter: 
& scholiis, non solum Henrici Primaei, verum etiam doctissimis 
Leonar : Coxi illustratus. Anno M.D.XL." [Colophon:] Exoffi- 
cina regii Impressoris. Cum privilegio solum. Anno M.D.XL. — 
Quarto. 

From Herbert's Ames' Typographical Antiquities {London. 1785) vol. 
I, p. 438, among works printed by Thos. Berthelet. Cf. Wood, Athen. 
Oxon. I, 123. Many other editions of this work of Lilly's appeared during 
the sixteenth century, but none other, I believe, with Cox's Scholia. A 
copy is said by Herbert to have been " in the collection of Dr. Lort." I 
have not been able to find one. Referred to in Cox's letters above, pp. 14 

[10. Erotemata rhetorica. — Probably not printed, but evidently 
nearly completed in May 1540. See supra, p. 15.] 

[11. (a) The Translation, described by Bale, "e Graeco in Lati- 
num venerabilis antiquitatis scriptorem, Marcum Eremitam de lege 
et spiritu, lib. I." 



22 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

(6) To which Tanner adds "Ejusdem de justificatione operum."] 
(b) is perhaps the same work referred to by Tanner when he says 

that Cox — 

[12. "Scripsit Contra justificationem ab operibus lib I." And 

by Bale: " Scripsit contra eos, qui ab operibus justificant. lib. I."] 

So far as I can discover none of these last mentioned works were 

ever printed. 

III. THE RHETORIC OF COX : ITS PREDECESSORS AND SUCCESSORS. 

The work of Cox and his chief service to his age was that of a 

translator and commentator, a sort of work much more important 

in that century than in this. Cox, like Colet, Grocyn, 
Cox's Services 

Linacre, and Lilly, served as an intermediary in the 
to Learning. . . J : J 

transmission to England or the .Renaissance and 

Humanistic influence and literature. He had a reputation of his 
own among European scholars and men of the new learning, and 
he helped to carry their work into England. And so the questions 
of rhetoric and of literary form which deeply concerned all the men 
of the new learning came to concern Cox also, and to their elucida- 
tion, as is evident from the foregoing inspection of his letters and of 
the list of his writings, he devoted a large share of his attention. 

The rhetorics of the Renaissance are mainly founded upon 

Hermogenes, Cicero, 1 and Quintilian, and, following the divisions 

of these authors, are chiefly of two sorts, those that 

Renaissance concern themselves with questions of invention and 
Rhetoric. , , , , . n 

disposition, and those that mainly discuss matters 

of style and diction. 2 Cox, whose work falls in the first class, 

1 Especially Cicero. See Voigt, Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthums, 
oder das erste Jahrhundert des Hitmanismus, Berlin, 1893, vol. II, p. 442: "Die 
Lehrbiicher iiber Rhetorik .... bilden nicht gerade eine reiche Literatur, weil 
die Humanisten sich gern unmittelbar an Cicero zu halten liebten. Dessen ' alte 
Rhetorik,' dass heist die Biicher de inventione, und die an Herennius gerichtete 
Rhetorik waren im Mittelalter immer beachtet und gelesen worden, wie ja schon 
Alcuin sein Lehrbuch nach ihnen verfasste .... auch horen wir von den Human- 
isten oft die Meinung, man lerne die Redekunst besser aus Cicero's Reden als aus 
seinen Theorien." Notice in this connection that the last five or six pages of 
Cox's Rhetoric are directly founded on Cicero, while Cox's original, Melanchthon, 
constantly draws upon Cicero. It is a striking feature in Cox's work also, wherein 
he departs from Melanchthon, that at every opportunity he introduces and trans- 
lates long extracts from Cicero's orations. 

2 On the emphasis laid on style in the rhetoric of the Italian Renaissance cf. 
Symonds, Ren. in Italy, The Revival of Learning (N. Y., 1888) p. 525. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 23 

refers his readers who may wish to carry their studies further, to 
" Hermogines among the Grekes, or els Tully or Trapesonce among 
the Latines." 1 The Trapesonce or Trapezuntius referred to was a 
typical rhetorician of the Renaissance period. Born in Crete in 1396, 
he taught Greek at Venice, and philosophy and belles-lettres at 
Rome. On account of an attack of his on Quintilian he was involved 
n various literary quarrels with Valla, Poggio, and other scholars. 
He made numerous translations from the Greek into Latin. He 
died at Rome in i486. His Rhetoric, the first edition of which 
appeared at Venice circa 1470, is a paraphrase from Hermogenes. 
His work, transmitting that of his original, was widely circulated 
and exercised a great influence throughout Europe during the suc- 
ceeding century. His divisions and order of treatment in a general 
way are those of Cox and of course of Cox's original, Melanchthon. 
Orations are of three sorts : Judicial, referring to the Past, Deliber- 
ative, to the Future, and Demonstrative, to the Present. The chief 
parts of an Oration are the Exordium, Narratio, and Contentio, 
whereunder are discussed Confirmatio and Confutatio, " Quot sint 
Status " (the " States " of Cox), and de Propositione et Divisione. 
In the last Book (Book V) is comprehended a discussion " de Elo- 
cutione," wherein the different qualities and kinds of style are con- 
sidered, a part included by Melanchthon but omitted by Cox for 
reasons hinted at in his Dedicatory Epistle. 2 As in Cox's Rhetoric 

1 See the " Conclusion " of Cox's Rhetoric, infra, p. 88. 

2 Other rhetorical treatises much in vogue, but not leading directly to Cox 
which may be mentioned, are : 

(a) Priscianus Grammaticus, De prceexercitamentis Rhetoricce ex Hermogene 
translatis (circa 1475). — A short elementary handbook treating of various topics 
such as " De Narratione," " De Usu," " De Refutatione," " De Descriptione," etc. 

{b) Guliemus Fichetus, Rhelorica (Paris 1471). — By a famous doctor of the 
Sorbonne. Cites frequently Cicero, Quintilian, Origen, etc. Follows the division 
of Judicial, Deliberative, and Demonstrative, with the subdivisions of Trapezuntius. 
In manner largely scholastic, putting emphasis mainly upon definitions. Book 
III, "de Elocutione." 

(c) Guillermi Tardivi [Guillaume Tardif ] Rhetoricce Artis ac Oratorio; Facul- 
tatis Compendium (Paris, circa 1475). — An attempt to present a digest of the Rhet- 
orics of Cicero and Quintilian. The Divisions : Inventio, Dispositio, Elocutio, 
Memoria, Pronunciatio. 

(d) Oratorice Artis Epitoma] acobi Publicii Florentini. Venetiis 1485. — Refers 
to Cicero, Quintilian, Cyril, etc., as authorities. " Civilium questionum genera tria 
sunt. Concionale : Sermocinatiuum : & Forense." Treats briefly of Invention, 



24 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

so in most of his predecessors we frequently find appeal made not 
only to direct classical authority, but occasionally also to mediaeval 
authority, and to that of the fathers of the Church, especially the 
Greek fathers, as Origen, Basil, and Chrysostom. 

Most interesting for the history of English Rhetoric, however, is 

the first Rhetoric printed in England, which was also " the first book 

First Rhetoric printed at St. Albans," the Latin treatise of Traver- 

Printed sanus entitled [incipit] Fratris laurencii guilelmi de 
in England, saona .... prohemium in novam rhetoricam. The 
colophon is : Compilatum autem fuit hoc opus in alma uni- 
versitate Cantabrigiae. Anno domini 1478 . . . . sub protectione 
.... Regis Anglorum Eduardi quarti. Impressum fuit hoc pre- 
sens opus Rhetorics facultatis apud villain sancti Albani. Anno 
domini M.CCCC.LXXX. The work follows in general the divi- 
sions of the ancient rhetorics (especially Cicero. — Cf. D ii recto.), 

Disposition, and their parts and loci ; then at length of Elocutio, and of Tropes 
and Figures. 

(e) Deprimisapudrhetoremexercitatio7tibusprcsception.es P. Mosellani in stu- 
diorum usum comparatae. Cologne 1523. — A book of rhetorical exercises in each 
kind, with models, for the use of schools. De Fabula (model : the Fable of the 
Grasshopper and the Ant), De Narratione (An example from Aulus Gellius), De 
Refutatione, De Confirmatione, De Laudatione, De Vituperatione, De Locis Com- 
munibus, etc. The plan is similar to that of Rainolde's Foundacioti of Rhetoric 
(see infra p. 33). 

(/) See also the Rhetorics of Melanchthon, discussed infra, pp. 29-31. 

— Rhetorics of the second class, dealing chiefly with matters of style and 
diction (" Elocutio ") were : 

(g) [Incipit] " Summa Rhetoricae condita per egregium P. de la Hazardiere 
nacionis normanise " (Paris circa 1475). — "Rhetorica est ars arcium ceterarum 
expositiva. Cujus ofncium est apposite dicere ad suadendum." Cites Cicero, 
Quintilian, and Aristotle. Treats only of Elocutio and its three parts,*elegantia, 
compositio, and dignitas. 

(h) Joannes Balbus, Catholicon. Venetiis 1 506. — A monkish compendium 
widely used. The Grammar, part IV, treats of figures and tropes. 

(i) Barzizius, De Eloquentia. Colophon: Explicit opusculum domini Gas- 
parini [Barzizii] Pergamensis de Eloquentia congrue dictum. Circa 1498. 

(j ) Le grant et vray artde pleine Rhetorique, compose par maistre Pierre Fabri. 
Rouen 1521. — Book I, a Rhetoric of Prose for those who wish to learn how to com- 
pose " Descriptions .... Oraisons, Lettres .... Sermons, Recitz," etc. Book 
II, of Poetics. Compare with Puttenham's Arte of English Poesie, 1589. 

[k) De Elocutionis Imitatione. Autore Jacobo Omphalio. Paris 1537. — The 
rhetoric of style. With exercises. 

(/) Andomari Talacei Rhetorica. Paris 1552 (fifth ed.) — Widely used. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 25 

and draws its examples both from Cicero and from the Bible. It is 
scholastic in tone, with frequent reference to the fathers of the 
Church, as St. Bernard, St. Anselm, St. Basil, Beda, etc. Book I 
discusses "quid sit oratoris : quid oratoris officium : quis ejus finis 
& de partibus ejus & oracionis." In the third Book style and dic- 
tion, including tropes and figures, are treated. In this work, how- 
ever, notwithstanding certain signs of the approaching dawning of 
the new learning, we are still in the atmosphere of the Middle Ages. 
With Cox fifty years later, in spite of the rudeness of the new ver- 
nacular in which he is working and the elementary nature of his 
design, we feel ourselves in a new age. 

Between Traversanus and Cox there are two passages in Eng- 
lish literature relating to the art of rhetoric which are significant. 
Other Passages The f° rmer of these, which is perhaps the first printed 
on Rhetoric account of rhetoric in English, is the short passage 
preceding Cox. on the subject in Caxton's Myrrour 6° dyscrypcyon of 
Caxton. fj u wor id e ^ with many meruaylles of the .vii. scyences As 

Gramayre, Rethorike, with the arte of memory e, etc., 1481, which is of 
sufficient curious interest to reproduce here in its entirety. 1 

Entered for publication in England, the Stationer's Register, Nov. 11, 1577 (ed. 
Arber, II, 319). "Rhetorica est doctrina bene dicendi .... Partes ejus duae sunt, 
Elocutio & Pronuntiatio." The author claims that "inventio rerum et dispositio " 
are properly a part of Dialectics. Treats only of Style and Elocution : chiefly of 
Tropes and Figures. 

Other treatises of a miscellaneous character relating to rhetoric are : 

{111) Ars scribendi epistolas Jacobi Publicii Florentini. Ars Memories J. P. F. 
With his Oratorice Epitoma 1485. 

(n) Albertanus, Compendiostis tractatus de arte loqaendi & tacendi, 1485. — A 
manual of the art of conversation. Moralistic. 

(0) Rhetorica Poncii. Colophon : Explicit Modus Dictandi Magistri Poncii 
.... i486. — Mainly an art of writing " Epistolae. " "Partes dictaminis essen- 
tiales : Salutatio, Exordium, Narratio, Petitio, & Conclusio." 

(p) Erasmus, De Copia verborum. Basle 15 14. Epistle dedicatory (to Colet) 
dated "London 15 12. " Of vocabulary and diction. What authors help to 
"Copia." Vices of excessive "Copia." Poetic vocabulary, metaphor, synonyms, 
etc. Of Fable, Apologue, Description, Imagery, etc. 

(q) Aquilse Romani de Figuris sententiarum et elocutionis liber. Venice 1523. 
— A list of the figures of rhetoric with definitions. 

(r) Jacobus Omphalius De Elocutionis Imitatione ac Apparatu. Paris 1537. — 
Treats of Imitation as a means of acquiring style. 

1 The work is a translation by Caxton of the French version of the Speculum 
Mundi. Blades' Caxton, II, 82-3. I quote from the reprint of circa 1527. 



26 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

[D iii recto] Rethoryke is a scyence to cause another man by speche 
or by wrytynge to beleue or to do that thynge whyche thou woldest 
haue hym for to do. To the which thou must fyrst deuyse some wey 
to make thy herers glad & wel wyllyng to here. The which thynge to 
brynge to passe thou must deuyse dyuers weys. The fyrst is that thou 
pr<?myse hym some meruelous thynge, or some other strange thyng, or 
some thyng touchyng hym self or some thynge touchyng his fryndes or 
his enemyes. 

^[Also whazz thou haste made hym gladde to here the, thou must take 
hede that in the matter which thou shewest thou must vse . V . maner 
thynges. The fyrst is : inuezzciozz, as to ymagyn the mater which thou 
intendest to shew, which must be of trew thynge, or lyke to be trew & to 
note well how many thynges in that mater ought to be spoken. 
^[The . ii. thynge is disposicion, which is to shew euery thyng of thy 
matter m ordre, as whan thou haste inuezztyd & appoynted izz thy mynd 
how many thynge thou wylte speke of, thazz thou must dyspose euery 
thyng in ordre & which mater shalbe fyrst spoken & whiche shalbe 
last. 

^[The third thing is eloqu^/zs, as whazz thou haste disposed how euery 
poynt & maker shalbe shewed in ordre than thou must vtter it with fayre 
eloquezzt wordes, and not to vse many curyous termes, for sup^rfluyte in 
euery thyng is to be dyspraysed ; And it hyndreth the sentezzce. And 
whan a man delatith his matter to long or that he vtter the effecte of his 
sentence, though it be neuer so well vtteryd, it shalbe tedyous vnto the 
herers ; for euery mazz naturally that hereth a nother, desyreth moste to 
know the effecte of his reason that tellyth the tale, as the philosopher 
seith (ozzzzzis homo naturaliter scire desiderat) . Therfor the pryncypall 
poynt of eloquens reityth [restyth] euer in the quycke sentence. And 
therfor the lest poynt belongyng to Rethorike is to take hede that the 
tale be quycke & sentencious. 

A passage on " Ars memoratiua, Or Memory " and one on voice 
and gesture follow. 

Equally curious are the chapters in Hawes' Pastime of Pleasure 
(chs. 7-13 ) * in which we are told how Graunde Amoure "was re- 
ceived of Rethoryke, and what rethoryke is ; Of the first 
part, called Invencion, and a commendacion of poetes ; 
Of Disposition, the .ii. part of rethorike ; Of Elocution, the thirde 
part of rethoryke, with colouryng of sentences ; Of Pronunciation, 
the . iiii. part of rethoryke : of Memory, the .v. part of rethorike/' and 

1 Written about 1 506, and printed 151 7. See reprint of edition of 1555 in the 
Percy Society Publications, 1845. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 27 

the like. 1 No one can complain of the importance attributed to the 
art of rhetoric in Hawes' allegorical system. 

Cox's aim in presenting an Art or Craft of Rhetoric to the Eng- 
lish public of his day was a simple and practical one. Education 
Aim and Plan was spreading; new grammar schools were being 
of Cox's founded ; in much of the work of teaching in these 

Rhetoric. schools the vernacular necessarily was used ; the new 
learning brought with it a new sense of style and form in prose ; 
and there were no text-books of the subject in existence written in 
English. Lawyers, ambassadors, preachers, and all public speak- 
ers, says Cox in his interesting preface, have need of rhetoric, yet 
nothing today is less taught. What wretched work do we daily see 
around us for lack of such teaching ! So that when we hear a 
speaker, very often "greate tediosnes is engendred to the multytude 
beynge present, by occasyon where of the speker is many times or 
he haue endyd his tale eyther lefte almost alone to hys no lytle 
confusyon, or els, which is a lyke rebuke to hvm, the audyence 
falleth for werynes of his ineloquent langage^on slepe. " Fur- 
thermore, Cox aims especially to help those who "haue by necly- 
gence or els false parsuasyons be put to the lernynge of other 
scyences or euer they haue attayned any meane knowledge of the 
latyne tongue. " For, of course, not only is Latin the accepted 
central discipline in the" Humanistic theory of education, but it is 
the store-house of all existing learning. The book is intended for 
"young beginners" 2 ; others, who can read Latin or Greek, may con- 
sult "Hermogines among the Grekes, or els Tully or Trapesonce 
among the Latines. " "And to them that be yonge begynners 
nothinge can be to playne or to short. " We are reminded of the 
similar words of Colet, in his " Proheme" to the Introducyon of the 
paries of spekyng,for chyldren and yonge begynners into latyn speche, 
written for his "newe schole of Powels "in 15 10, where that kindly 
humanist maintains "that nothinge may be to soft nor to famylyer 
for lytell chyldren. 3 

1 Cf. Gower, Confessio Amautis, Book VII, "Hie tractat de secunda parte phil- 
osophise, cuius nomen Rhetorica facundos efficit," etc. (Chalmer's Poets, II, 215 ). 
Naturally Rhetoric, as one of the members of the Trivium, or undergraduate curric- 
ulum in mediaeval education, receives frequent mention in most of the early writers. 

2 See the ' Conclusion of the Author ' p. 87. 

3 Cf. Seebohm, The Oxford Reforjners (London 1887) p. 213. See also Fliigel, 
Neuenglisches Lesebuch (Halle 1895) p. 298. 



28 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

L Cox is thus, it will be seen, little concerned with the theory of 
rhetoric. His aim is to tell very plainly the manner of the putting 
together (the "Invention ") of orations of the several kinds then 
recognized by the rhetoricians. Every point is illustrated by an 
example. We are told in a given situation what is the leading idea 
pertinent thereto which it is incumbent on the orator to bring for- 
ward. Most of these leading cases are drawn from Cicero ; others 
from Livy, Sallust, and the like. Then we are shown how Cicero or 
another actually did put his oration together. The whole method is 
that of the Ciceronians and the Renaissance educators simplified 
and put in the vernacular for the use of those who cannot use Latin 
texts and manuals. Fifty years later the same method without sim- 
plification or vernacularization is still in use in the English univer- 
sities, where the orations of Cicero continue to serve as models in the 
teaching of rhetoric. 

Cox's work, then, is designed as a schoolbook and as an ele- 
mentary introduction for those who have missed the advantages of a 
scholastic training. His plan is restricted to the treatment of 
invention and the formal ordering of speech, for that once mastered, 
"there is no very great maystry to come by the resydue, " and it 
is in this that the public speaking of the day is particularly defi- 
cient. Questions of style must be postponed to a later generation, 
after the matter of structure has been mastered. And, indeed, by 
the time of Sir Thomas Wilson in 1553 the question of style has 
begun to assert itself, until with the Elizabethan^ it is the question 
of questions. Furthermore, if this work, "the fyrste assay of my 
pore and symple wyt," 1 find favor, the author promises "to endight 
other werkes both in this facultye and other." 2 Inasmuch as the 
Rhetoric passed to a second edition, 3 we may conclude that it met 
with success ; and probably the Erotemata Rhetorica upon which 
Cox was engaged in 1540 were designed as a part fulfillment of this 
promise. 

1 By which phrase I take it that Cox means his first essay in English. He 
had already made at least two essays in Latin. 

2 So in the "Conclusion" Cox similarly promises: "I will assay my selfe in 
the other partes, and so make and accomplysshe the hole werke." 

3 Its extreme rarity today is probably accounted for by the fact that it was a 
schoolbook — books, which so rapidly destroyed in use as they were, are the 
rarest of old books today. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 29 

Cox's Arte or Crafte of Rhethoryke is only in part his own com- 
position. It is, as he frankly avows, largely founded upon the work 
of another. "I haue partely traunslatyd out of a 
werke of Rhetoryke wrytten in the lattyn tongue, and 
partely compyled of myne owne, and so made a lytle' 
treatise in maner of an introduccyon into this aforesaid scyence and 
that in the englysshe tongue." 1 And later, in the "Conclusion," 
Cox says : " But nowe I haue folowed the facion of Tully, who made 
a seuerall werke of inuencion." 2 Cicero however is not Cox's 
chief authority, nor does he seem to have taken very much directly 
Out of Cicero's rhetorical writings. 3 The "werke of Rhetoryke wryt> 
ten in the lattyn tongue" out of which Cox translates and on which 
his work is mainly founded is the " Institutiones Rhetorical " of 
Melanchthon, published in 1521. Melanchthon is "oure auctour," 
so frequently referred to in the course of Cox's work. 4 Readers of 
Professor C. H. Herford's scholarly work on the Literary Relations 
of England and Germany in the Sixteenth Century are aware how 
close was the connection of English and German scholarship and 
letters in the first half of that century. Cox, like Melanchthon, was 
an educator and humanist, and inclined to the reformed religious 
doctrine, while his failure to mention Melanchthon's name anywhere 
is doubtless to be attributed to the prejudice against the German 
reformers in high quarters in England at this moment. When the 
idea of bringing out a work on the Art of Rhetoric written in Eng- 
lish first occurred to Cox, it was natural that he should turn to the 
convenient compendium of the subject recently written by the great 
humanist educator and religious reformer of Germany, with whom, 
probably enough, he had already come in contact on the continent. 
In 1 5 19 Melanchthon had written a larger work on rhetoric, his 
De rhetorica, libri tres, 5 to which Cox refers two or three times, and 

1 Infra, p. 42. 2 P. 87. 

3 See, however, infra p. 103. 

* See Modern Language Notes, May 1898, where I have described my discov- 
ery of the source of Cox's Rhetoric. 

5 At Wittenberg: reprinted at Basle in the same year; at Leipzig 1521 '» 
Cologne 1 52 1 ; and Paris 1527 and 1529. Cf. Bretschneider, Corpus Refor- 
matorum, Halle 1834 f. (the first 28 volumes comprise the works of Melanchthon ; 
the rhetorical writings are in Vol. XIII). 



30 THE ARTE OR CRAETE OF RHETHORYKE 

from which he borrows several passages. 1 In 1521, however, a 

shorter and much simplified version, adapted to 
Melanchthon r , 

school use, was compiled, perhaps from the notes of 

Melanchthon 's lectures, 2 and published with the title Institutiones 
Rhetorics Philip. Mel. 3 From the first book of this work, treating 
of Invention, Cox draws the greater part of his treatise, and this 
book accordingly is herewith reprinted for convenience of compari- 
son. I reserve for the Notes the discussion of the exact relation 
between the two works. 4 A cursory comparison of the two texts 
will show the closeness of Cox's dependence on his original. At 
the same time numerous passages in Cox seem to be of independent 
composition. Particularly interesting among these are many of the 
illustrations drawn from Renaissance and Mediaeval history and lit- 

1 See the Notes infra pp. 105, 106, 108-9, 1Il > II2 > concerning this work. 

2 Melanchthon himself, in an epistle to Joannes Agricola concerning this work, 
writes: " Oualescunque sunt hse praeceptiunculse Rhetorical, quas dictavimus 
non scripsimus, opto ut lectori prosint. . . . Porro magna ex parte res Rhetorica 
purius emendatiusque tractata est, quam in prioribus meis libellis." Bretschneider's 
note on this is: "Intelligitur itaque, ha;c quse hie edita sunt, dictata esse a 
Melanthone in schola, et ab amicis, probante Melanthone, edita." 

3 At Hagenau; reprinted Cologne 1521 ; Paris 1523; Strassburg, 1524. 

4 Other rhetorical works by Melanchthon, which do not concern us here, were 
the " Phil. Mel. Elementorum rhetorices libri II" Wittenberg 1 531, a recast of the 
earlier works (also 1532, 1534, 1536, 1542, etc.), finally re-edited 1542 (reprinted 
many times), and his Encomium Eloquentice or " Necessarias esse ad omne studio- 
rum genus artes dicendi Philip. Melanchthonis declamatio," Wittenberg n. d., — not 
a treatise but a brief general essay on the subject of the title (compare Gabriel 
Harvey's Rhetor). One passage from this latter work, which illustrates both 
the abuses of the time and the aims of the reformers and humanists, is worth 
quoting : 

" Discipline omnes dicendi genere sic obscuratse sunt, ut ne doctores quidem 
ipsi, quid profiterentur satis compertum haberent. Digladiabantur inter se de 
figuris sermonis philosophi, tanquam in tenebris Andabatse, nee quisquam a 
domesticis suis plane intelligebatur." 

On M's rhetorical writings and their importance see further A. Planck, 
Melanchthon Prceceptor Germanice, eine Denkschrift (Nordlingen i860); Paulsen, 
Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichts aufden Deutschen Schulen und Universitaten (Leip- 
zig 1885), especially p. 149: "Melanchthon's Kompendien .... der Rhetorik und 
Dialektik .... [etc.], dienten bis ins 18. Jahrhunderts hinein dem gelehrten Unter- 
richt auf den deutschen Universitaten und Schulen als Grundlage." According to 
Hallam {Lit. Europe) Melanchthon was, "far above all others, the founder of gen- 
eral learning in Germany." 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 31 

erature, as well as some things also from Cicero and the classics. 
Not only does Cox add to Melanchthon, but he freely omits and 
condenses as suits his purpose. Thus, as already stated, he omits 
the whole of Books II and III, on Dispositio and Elocutio. 
Melanchthon's own direct prototypes seem to be Hermogenes or 
Trapezuntius (the latter he refers to with approval), Cicero, and 
Quintilian. All of these, except the last, are expressly named by 
Cox as trustworthy authorities. 

Cox's Rhetoric doubtless served its turn with its own generation, 
but any direct influence from it on later English rhetorical writers 
//can scarcely be traced. Cox's work helped to teach 
Service of Cox's better order and method in public speaking, an aim 
Rhetoric. which also inspires his next important successor, Sir 

Thomas Wilson ; but with anything beyond the struc- 
tural part of composition Cox is hardly concerned. The preoccu- 
pation with style comes in with the next generation. 

Cox's own prose has some historical value among the none too 
numerous monuments of English prose in the first half of the six- 
teenth century. His style is of purpose extremely sim- 
Cox's Prose pie and plain, in order to meet the understanding of 
Style. "young beginners;" but joined with his simplicity 

there is a certain rudeness which is not the strong 
and eloquent rudeness of Latimer, and a certain awkwardness of 
phrase and syntax which prevent our placing him as a writer of 
English anywhere near his great predecessor, Malory, his great con- 
temporaries, More, Colet, Tyndale and Coverdale, and Elyot, or his 
great successors, Ascham and Wilson. He writes purely didactic 
prose, it is true, in which there is no opportunity for style ; he saves 
himself from excessive Latinisms ; his manner is straightforward and 
to the point; but little more than this can be said for him as a 
writer of English. In Cox's day English prose is but in the mak- 
ing, and with few, except one or two original spirits, does it advance 
to style. And Cox is not one of the originators. Nevertheless, in 
his way, by precept if not by example, he contributed to the forma- 
tion of the new art, and so is to be reckoned with in the history of 
English prose. // 

The next 1 and the only other important English Rhetoric of 
the sixteenth century after Cox was The Arte of Rhetor ique, for the 

1 But see note A at the end of this Introduction, p. 33. 



32 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

vse of all sue he as are studious of Eloquence, sette forth i7t English, 
by Thomas Wilson. Anno Domini, M.D.LIII. 
pjf t ■ f j Mense Ianuarij. 1 Wilson's work is much superior to 
lowing Cox. C° x in originality and scope. Wilson follows the 
''Ciceronian tradition with more independence. He 
aims to cover the entire field of the older rhetorics, treating in 
order of Invention, Disposition, " Elocution " (/. <?., Diction, or " an 
applying of apt wordes and sentences to the matter"), 
Memory, and "Utterance" (or " a framyng of the 
voyce, countenance, and gesture, after a comely maner"). The parts 
of an oration, too, from " the Enteraunce " to the Conclusion, are 
as in Cox and his predecessors ; and so are the sorts of ora- 
tory, " Oracion demonstrative," deliberative, and judicial. In his 
first and second books, except for greater amplification and a 
surer hand, Wilson's work differs little in structure and design from 
Cox's. The rest of the work, however, is entirely additional 
matter. And the chief interest of Wilson's Rhetoric is in his 
discussion of English style and diction in his third book. It is 
probable enough that Wilson may have seen Cox's book, but 
evidently he owes less to it than to their common sources. After 
Wilson, the emphasis in the popular rhetorics of the day is upon 
style and ornament, rather than upon structure and argument as 
with Cox and Wilson. No original work however 
J is done until Ben Jon son's scholarship touches the 

subject in his Timber or Discoveries, and until Bacon, 2 in his 
Advancement of Learning, "stirs the earth a little about the roots 
of this science," reprehending " the first distemper 
of learning, when men study words and not 
matter," and uttering upon the rhetorical precept and practice 
of the preceding century, upon Car and Ascham, upon Sturmius 
and Erasmus, the trenchant comment that "the whole inclina- 

1 Also 1560, '62, '67, '69, '80, '84 and '85. 

2 Advancement of Learning, Book I, chap, iv, § 2. See especially Book II, 
chaps, xviii f. Bacon is the first to urge that rhetoric, or the theory of prose, is a 
fitter subject for the Quadrivium or graduate course than for the Trivium. See 
also Bacon's Antitheta. " Perhaps one of the most notable modern contributions 
to the art [of rhetoric] is the collection of commonplaces framed (in Latin) by 
Bacon .... He called them ' Antitheta.'" (Jebb, art. "Rhetoric," Encycl. Brit., 
ninth ed.) 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 33 

tion and bent of those times was rather towards copie than 
weight." 2 

A. Next in point of time, after Cox, among English rhetorics was, perhaps, A 
Treatise of Schemes and Tropes, very profy table for the better vnderstanding of good 
anthers, gathered out of tke best Grammarians &° Orators, by Rychard Sherry, 
Londoner, 1550. Partly rewritten and under an altered title in 1555. This 
as its title implies, is not a complete rhetoric, but is noteworthy as indicating 
the new interest in matters of style at even this early date. The preface is 
of interest for its discussion of the state of contemporary English and of the 
work of English authors. Latin rules of rhetoric with English paraphrases. Brief 
consideration of style, perspicuity, etc. Then of tropes and figures. His chief 
authorities, as cited, are Cicero, Quintilian, Erasmus, " Mosellane," and "Rodul 
phus Agricola." To the last uamed he seems to express especial indebtedness. 

Other works on rhetoric in England during the century were, (b) "A booke 
called the Foundacion of Rhetorike .... made by Richard Rainolde, Maister of 
Arte, of the Uniuersitie of Cambridge, 1563." Less a systematic treatise than a 
discursive consideration of the value and nature of rhetoric, followed by " Progim- 
nasmata " or practical precepts, accompanied with model exercises or "Oracions." 
Of considerable antiquarian interest. Refers to Aphthonius, Quintilian, Hermoge- 
nes, and Tully, as the best authorities. Refers in complimentar3 r terms to Wilson's 
Rhetoric, but ignores Cox. 

(c) In Ascham's Schoolmaster, 1570, Book II, passim, are numerous passages 
of rhetorical precept (e. g., Works ed. Giles, London, 1864, Vol. Ill, 184 f., 208 f. 
240 f. — cf. 95). 

(d) " The Enimie of Idleness: Teaching the maner and stile how to indite, 
compose, and write, all sorts of Epistles and Letters . . . Set forth in English by 
William Fuiwood, Marchant, 1568." Also 1571,1578,1586,1593,1598,1621. A 
ready letter-writer in four books. In the dedication we are told : 

"For know you sure, I meane not I the cunning clerks to teach : But rather 
to the vnlearned sort a few precepts to preach." Many model letters, both for 
common occasions, as well as from Cox's heroes, Hermolaus Barbarus, Angelus 
Politian, etc. Evidently a translation, at least in part, from some foreign original. 
Important in the history of Elizabethan style. 

(e) H[enry] P[eacham], " The Garden of Eloquence, conteining the most 
excellent Ornaments, Exornations, Lightes, flowers, and formes of speech, com- 
monly called the figures of Rhetorike .... Manifested and furnished with varietie 
of examples," 1577. Also 1593, revised, under above title. A mere list and 
description of tropes and figures, with illustrations chiefly scriptural, partly classi- 
cal. Unimportant, but another sign of the devotion of the age to "exornation" of 
speech. 

(/) "Gabrielis Harveii Rhetor, vel duorum dierum Oratio de Natura, Arte, 
& Exercitatione Rhetorica," 1577. An academic essay on the scholastic study of 
Rhetoric, in praise of the Ciceronian style, ancient and modern, with rules of good 

2 A similar criticism is made in 1 53 1 by Sir Thos. Eliot, in his Governor (ed. 
Croft I, 116). 



34 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

writing, etc. Interesting peroration reciting the great masters of style, ancient 
and modern, and mentioning Chaucer, More, Eliot, Ascham, and Jewell. Will not 
touch upon the future, " nam de futuro nihil audeo in tanto praesertim tarn admira- 
bilium ingeniorum flore affirmare." 

(g) Richard Mulcaster, " The First Part of the Elementarie which entreateth 
chefelie of the right writing of our English tung," 1582. Valuable and original 
observations on the art of writing English, and upon the theory of Education. 
Largely occupied with orthography. Warm defense of the possibilities of English. 
The first of handbooks of composition or rhetorics in the modern sense. An ele- 
mentary text-book of language-teaching, a treatise on education, and a practical 
rhetoric, all in one. Highly important in the history of Elizabethan prose criti- 
cism. Cf. the same writer's Positions, 158 1 (reprinted, London, 1887). 

(h) Dudley Fenner, " The Artes of Logike and Rhetorike, plainlie set foorth in 
the English Tounge; " 1584, 1592, etc. A rhetoric of style and figures, by a dissent- 
ing minister. A translation, as the author tells us. " Rhetorike is an Arte of 
speaking finely .... It hath two partes : Garnishing of speech, called Eloquution ; 
Garnishing of the maner of utterance, called Pronunciation." Barren, schematic, 
and inadequate. 

(i) " The Arcadian Rhetorike: or, the Praecepts of Rhetorike made plaine by 
examples, Greeke, Latin, English, Italian, French, Spanish, out of Homers Uias 
and Odissea, Virgils ^Eglogs, Georgikes, and ^Eneis, Sir Philip Sydneis Arcadia, 
Songs and Sonets, Torquato Tassoes Goffredo, Aminta, Torrismondo, Salust his 
Iudith, and both his Semaines, Boscan and Garcilassoes Sonets and /Eglogs. By 
Abraham Fraunce," 1588. Sufficiently described by the title. Excessively rare ; 
only one copy known, that in the Bodleian (?). A rhetoric of style and figures. 
Significant of new foreign literary influence, and of the style and literary standards 
then a la mode. 

(/) With the rhetorics of style and figures should also be reckoned Book III 
of Puttenham's Arte of English Poesie, 1589. This is the most elaborate treatment 
of figures yet. See Arber's reprint, 1869. 

(/£) " The Orator: Handling a hundred seuerall Discourses, in forme of Decla- 
mations : . . . . Written in French by Alexander Seluayn, and Englished by 
L. P.," 1596. " L[azarus] P[iot] " is one of Antony Munday's pseudonyms. The 
preface states that the aim of the book is to teach rhetoric. A collection of model 
orations — most of them sufficiently spiced for the Elizabethan popular taste. The 
author of the original was Alexander van den Busche, called Le Sylvain. 

All of these works were more or less popular and elementary. At the uni- 
versities the Latin rhetorics were studied. "At Cambridge in 1570 the study of 
rhetoric was based on Quintilian, Hermogenes, and the speeches of Cicero viewed 
as works of art. An Oxford statute of 1588 shows that the same books were used 
there" (Jebb, art. "Rhetoric," Eneycl. Brit., 9th ed.). 



IN PHILIPPI MELANCTHONIS RHETORICA 
TABULAE. 



TRIA SUNT OMNINO CAUSARUM GENERA. DEMONSTRATIVUM, DELIB- 
ERATIVUM, JUDICIALE. 

I. DEMONSTRATIVUM. 



Demonstrativum, cum laudamus aut vituperamus. 
Et est triplex, silicet 



1. Personarum 

2. Factorum 

3. Rerum 



I. DEMONSTRATIVUM PERSONARUM. 



Demonstrativum person- 
arum habet orationis < 
partes quatuor 



l) Exordium constat 
locis 



a) Exordium 

b) Narrationem 

c) Contentionem 
i d) Perorationem 

Benevolentise 

Attentionis 

Docilitatis 

-Benevolentia petitur a 



Rebus 

& 
Personis 



Sunt vero plurimi benevolentiae captandae loci, qui hie recenseri nequeunt. 
Utimur nonnunquaw* Insinuatione etiam, cum turpitudinem quae in causa videtur 
esse, excusamus. ' 

Novis 
— Attentio, cum af- Necessariis 
firmas te dicturum \ Utilibus rebus 



esse de 

— Docilitas, cum af- 
firmas te 



j Difficilibus 
^ Obscuris 

C Breviter 
( Dilucide 



dicturum 



b) Narrationis 
sunt 



lo 



f Natales 

Pueritia, ubi de ingenio dicitur et educatione 
J Adolescentia, ubi studia considerantur 

Juventus, ubi res publice aut privatim gestse consid- 
erantur 
Mors, quae illam secuta sunt 
35 



36 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

c) Contentione fere hoc genus caret, quia non agitur de dubiis rebus. 

d) Peroratio constat \ Enumeration argumentorum 

( Affectu 



2. Demonstrativum factorum. 



Demonstrativum facto- 
rum habet partes quin- 
que 



( a) Exordium 

b) Nariationem 

c) Confirmationem 

d) Confutationem 
^ e) Perorationem 



a) Exordium ab iisdem locis petitur, a quibus superius. 

b) Narratione in hoc genere raro utimur, frequentius propositionibus. 

f Honestum 
I Utile 

c) Confirmationis loci ~[ 
1 Difficile 

Possibile 

I Impossibile 

f Qiris 
I Quid 
I Ubi 
Circumstantise •{ Quibus auxiliis 

Cur 

Quomodo 
I Quando 

d) Confutatio fere non incidit in laudes. Huius autem loci sunt contrarii con- 
firmation!. 

/ Repetitione argumentorum 

e) Peroratio constat 1 { Gratulationis in laetis 

\ Affectu « Imitationis in laetis 

■ Commiserationis in 
^ tristibus 

3. Demonstrativum rerum. 

r a) Exordium 

I b) Propositio. Nam in hoc genere narratio nulla 

Demonstrativi rerum I est, sed vice narrationis propositio ponitur 

sunt partes quinque ] r utile 

1 c) Confirmatio : cujus v 



, Facile 
loci / 

^ Difficile 

d) Confutatio, quoe locis contrariis constat 

c) Peroratio, qu?e constat iisdem locis quibus supra 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 37 

II. DELIBERATIVUM. 

Deliberativum cum suaderaus aut dissuademus, petimus, horta- 

mur aut dehortamur. 

f a) Exordium 

b) Narratio, quae rara est. Ejus vice propositio 

ponitur. Nonnunquam incidunt breves narra- 

tiones, sed statim sequitur propositio. 

TT . ! r Honestum : Exempla 

Hujus partes -^ . r . 

plunmum valent in 

c) Confirmatio, cujus hoc genere 
loci J Utile 

j Facile 
I [_ Difficile 

d) Confutatio, quae a locis contrariis petitur. 

e) Peroratio, ut supra, enumeratione et affectu 
constat 

III. JUDICIALE. 

Judiciale, quo controversiae ac lites continentur. Hujus triplex 
est status. 

f I. Conjecturalis, An sit 
Qui sunt \ 2. Juridicialis : Jure an injuria 

\ 3. Legitimus, Quid sit 

1. De Conjecturali statu. An Sit: 

f a) Exordium 

b) Narratio, quae est historica facti commemoratio, 
Status Conjecturalis con- cum sequitur stadm propositio 

stat quinque partibus, 1 c) Confirmatio 

q uae sunt I d) Comprobatio 

I e) Peroratio 

C i Voluntas 
— c) Confirmationis sunt hujus, loci duo sunt 1 .. p otestas 

f o) Qualitas personae 

I /3) Causa inducens ad suscipiendum facinus 
i) Voluntatis loci, cujus , y) Impulsio> qU£e est e ffectus, ira, odium, avaritia, 

loci &c. 

[_ 5) Ratiocinatio, quae a spe commodorum ducitur 

f a) Loco 
I /3) Tempore 
ii Potestas constat cir- J 7) Viribus : Iidem sunt loci defensoris 
cumstantiis 1 5) Signis 

1 e) Antecedentibus 
[ f) Consequentibus 



38 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

f Absolutionem, cum docemus id signum quod fac- 
— Defensor t a m e n j turn est, misericordia et humanitate factum esse 
addet • Inversionem, qua docemus quod contra nos pro- 

^ ducitur, pro nobis facere 

2. De Juridiciali, Jure an injuria. 



f Exordio 
,' Narratioi 
j Confirma 
[_ Peroratione 



Juridicialis partibus con- i Narratione 
stat quatuor, scilicet . Confirmatione, cujus proprii sunt loci 



i Cujus loci sunt 



i Absolutus 
Est mtem duplex status negotialis { .. Assumptivus 

f Natura 

L 

j Consuetudo 

yEquum 
Bonum 
Judicatum 
I Pactum 

ii Assumptivus cum assumpta re extranea, defensio tractatur 

r a) Concessio 
Ejus loci sunt \ j3) Translatio criminis 

\ y) Remotio 

r Purgatio, cum fatemur nos pecasse, sed per impru- 
a) Concessionis partes ■] dentiam aut casum 
v Deprecatio 

3. De statu legitimo. Quid sit. 



Legitimus status constat \ Contrariis legibus 
partibus quatuor j Ambiguis scriptis 



f Definitione 

\ 
[^ Ratiocinatione 



[Title page of the first edition.] 



tTbe Brte 

or Crafte of 

1Rbetbo= 
vyhe 




THE [ARTE] 



OR CRAFTE OF 



RHETHO- 



RYKE. 



[A ii a] ^j To the reuerend father in god and hys finguler 
good lorde the lorde Hughe Faryngton Abbot of Redynge his pore 
clyent & perpetual ferua/zt Leonarde Cox 1 defyrethe longe and 
profperoufe lyfe with encreafe of honour. 

Confyderyng my fpecyall good lorde howe greatly and how 
many wayes I am bounden to your lordefhippe. And among all 
other that in fo greate a nombre of cunnynge men whiche ar nowe 
within this region / it hathe pleafid your goodnes to accept me as 
worthy to 2 haue the charge of the inftruccyon 3 and bryngyng 
uppe 4 of fuche youthe as 5 reibrteth to your gramer fchole, founded 
by your anteceffours in thys your towne of Redyng. / 1 ftudied a 
longe fpace what thynge I myght do next the bufy and dylygent 
occupyeng of my felfe in your faide feruyce/to the whiche bothe 
confciens & your ftepend 6 doth ftreyghtly 7 bynde me, that myght 
be a fygnyfycacioTz of my faythfull and feruifable harte whiche I owe 
to your lordefhyppe/and agayne a longe memorye bothe of your 
fynguler and benefycyall [A ii.b] fauore towarde me: And of 
myne induftrie and dylygence employed in your feruyce to fome 
profyte or at the lefte way to fome delectacion of the inhabytau^tes 
of this noble realme nowe floryffhyng 8 vnder the moft excellent and 
victorioufe prynce our Souerayne Lorde kynge Henry the .viii. 
^f And when I hade thus longe prepenfyd in my mynde what 
thynge I myght befte chofe out / none offrede it felfe more conuen- 
yent to the profyte of yonge ftudientes, 9 whiche youre good lorde- 
fhyppe hathe allwayes tenderly fauored/and alfo meter to my pro- 
feffyon, then to make fome proper worke of the ryght pleafaunt 
and parfuadyble 10 arte of Rhetoryke / whiche as it is very neceffary 
to all fuche as wyll eyther be aduocates and proctoures in the lawe, 
or els apte to be fente in theyr prynces / Ambaffades / or to be 

*B. Cockes. 6 B. ftipende. 

2 B. for to. 7B. ftraytly. 

3 B. inftruction. 8 B. flouryfhynge. 

<B. vp. »B. ftudentes. 

5 Defective in A., perhaps yt (=that). B. as. I0 B. perfuadible. 

4i 



42 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

techars 1 of goddes worde in fuche maner as maye be mofte feniible 
and accepte to their audience: And finally to all them that 2 haue 2 
any thynge to prepofe 3 or to fpeke afore any companye, what fomeuer 
they be. So contraryly I ie no fcyence that is les 4 taught and 
declared to icholars 5 / whiche ought chyefly after the knowledge of 
gramer ones hade to be inftructe in thys facultie without the 
whiche often tymes the rude vtterance of [A iii a] the aduocate 
greatly hyndrethe and apeyreth his clyentes caufe. Lykewyfe the 
vnapte dyfpofycyon of the precher in orderynge his mater con- 
fundyth 6 the memory of hys herers. And bryefiy in declaryng 
of maters, for lake 7 of inuencyon and order with due elocucyow, 
greate tediofnes 8 is engendred to the multytude beynge prefent/by 
occafyon where of the fpeker is many tymes or 9 he haue endyd his 
tale eyther lefte almost alone I0 to hys no lytle confufyo/z, or els 
(whiche is a lyke rebuke to hym) the audyence falleth for 
werynes of hys ineloquent langage 11 fafte on flepe. ^f Wyllynge 
therfore for my parte to helpe fuche as ar defyrous of this arte 
(as all furely ought to be whiche entende to be regarded in any 
comynaltye) I haue partely traunflatyd I2 out of awerke of Rhethoryke 
wrytten in the lattyn 13 tongue, and partely compyled of myne owne, 
& fo made a lytle treatife in maner of an Introduccyon into this 
aforefaid fcyence, and that in the 14 englyffhe tongue. Remembrynge 
that euery goode thynge, after the fayenge of the Phylofopher, the 
more commune 15 that it is the better 16 it is. And further more 
truftynge therby to do fome pleafure and eafe to fuche as haue by 
neclygence 17 or els falfe parfuafyons l8 be put to the lernynge of 
other fcyences or euer [A iii b] they haue attayned any meane 
knowledge of the latyne tonge. 19 

1 B. techers. "B. language. 

2 B. hauynge. 12 B. translated. 
3B. purpofe. x 3 B. Latin. 

4 B. leffe. J 4 B. in our Englyffhe. 

5 B. Scolers. IS B. comon. 

6 B. confoundeth. l6 B. the more better., 

?B. lacke. 17 B. negligence. 

8 B. tedioufnes. l8 B. fals fperfuacions. 

9B. ere. ^B. Latin tongue. 
10 B. aloon. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 43 

^f Whyche my fayde labour I humbly offer to your good lordef hyppe 
as to the chyefe mayntener and noriffher of my ftody 1 befechynge 
you, though it be ferre within your merytej 9 done to me, to accepte 
it as the fyrfte affay of my pore and fymple wyt ; which if it maye 
fyrft pleale your lordefhyppe, and next the reders, I trufte by the 
ayde of almyghty god to endight 3 other werkes both in this facultye 
and other to the laude of the hyghe godhed, of whom all goodnes 
doth procede, and to your lordefhyppes pleafure, and to profyte and 
delectacyon of the reder. 

[A iiii a] ^f The arte or crafte of Rhethoryke. 

Whofomeuer defyreth to be a good oratour or to dyfpute and 
commune of any maner thynge / hym behoueth to haue foure thynges. 
The fyrfte is called Inuencyon, for he mufte fyrfte of al imagyne 
or inuent in his mynde what he shall faye. The .ii. 4 is named Judge- 
ment / for he mufte haue wyt to difcerne and iudge whether tho 
thinges that he hathe founde in his mynde be conuenient to the 
purpofe or nat / for often tymes yf a man lake 5 thys propriete 6 he 
may afwell tell that that is agaynfte hym / as with hym / as expe- 
rience doth dayly fhew. The .iii. 7 is dyfpofycyon wherby he maye 
knowe howe to ordre and fet euery thynge in his due place. Lefte 
thoughe his inuencyon and iudgement be neuer fo goode he maye 
happen to be counted as the commune prouerbe fayeht To put the 
carte afore the horfe. The .iiii. & is fuch thynges lafte as [sic] he 
hathe Inuentid and by iudgement knowen apte to his purpofe when 
they ar fet in theyr ordre fo to fpeke them that it maye be pleasant 
and delectable to the audience. So that it maye be fayde of hym that 
hiftoryes make mencion that an olde woman fayd ons by demofthenes 
and [A iiii b] fyns hathe bene a commune prouerbe amo?zge the 
grekes ovtoo- ecm 8 whiche is afmoch to faye as (This is he). And this 
lafte propriete is callyd amonge lernyd men eloquence. Of thefe .iiii. 9 
the moft difficile or harde is to inuente what thou mufte faye, wher- 

^.-ftudy. 6 B. property. 

2 B. merites. i B. thyrde. 

3 B. endyte. 8 The Greek first appears in B. 
*■ B. feconde. s|B. foure. 

SB. lacke. 



44 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

fore of this parte the Rhetoryciens whiche be mayfters of this arte 
haue written very moche and diligently. 

Inuencyon is comprehended in certayn placys / as the Rhetori- 
ciens call them/out of whom he that knoweth the facultye may fetche 
eafyly f uche thynges as be mete for the mater that he f hal fpeke of / 
which mater the Oratour calleth the theme and in oure vulgayre 
tonge it is callyd improprely the antytheme. 1 The theme propofed 2 
we mufte after the rules of Rhetoryke go to oure placys that fhal 
anone fhew vnto vs what f halbe to oure purpofe. 

Example. In olde tyme there was grete enuy betweene.ii. noble 
men of Rome of whome the one was callyd Mylo / and the other 
Clodyus. The 3 which malice grew fo f erre that Clodius layed wayte 
for Mylo on a feaibn when he fhulde ryde out of the cyte / and in 
his iournay set vpon him and there as it chanfyd* Clodius was 
f layne / where vpon thys Clodius frendes accufed Milo to the Senate 
of murdre. Tully whiche in [A v a] tho dayes was a grete aduocate 
in Rome fhulde plede Miloes caufe. Nowe it was opyn that Milo 
had flayn Clodius / but whether he had flaine him laufully or nat 
was the doute. So the/z the theme of Tullyes oracyon or plee for 
Milo was thys, that he had f layne Clodius laufully / and therfore 
he ought nat to be puniffhed. For the confirmacyon wherof (as 
dothe appere in Tullyes oracyon) he dyd brynge out of placis of 
Rhetoryke argumentes to proue his fayde theme or purpofe. And 
lykewyfe mufte we do when we haue any mater to fpeke or commune 
of. As yf I fhulde make an oracyon to the laude and prayfe of the 
kynges hyghneffe / I mufte for the Inue/zcyon of fuche thynges as be 
for my purpofe / go to places of Rhetoryke / where I fhal eaf ly 
fynde (after I knowe the rules) /that that I desyre. Here is to be 
noted that there is no theme but it is conteined vnder one of .iiii. 6 
caufis /or for the more playnes 5 .iiii. 6 kyndes of oracions. The fyrfte 
is callyd Logycall, whiche kynde we call properly difputacio«. The 
fecu«de is callid Demo/zftratyue. The thyrde Delyberatyue. The 
.iiii. 7 Judiciall/ and thefe thre lafte be properly callid fpeces 8 or 
kindes of oracions / whofe natures f halbe declarid feperatly here 
after with the crafte that is required i[n] euery [A v b] of them. 

1 B. Anthethem. 5 B. playnnes. 

2 B. purpofed. 6 B. foure. 

3 B. omits The. 7 B. fourth. 

4 B. chaunced. 8 B. ipices. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 45 

All themes that parteyne to Logike eyther they be Symple or com- 
pounde. As yf aman defyre to knowe of me what Juftice is / this 
only thynge Juftice is my theme / Or yf difputacyon be had in 
any 1 company vpon Relygion /and I wold declare the very nature 
of Religion my theme fhulde be thys fymple or one thynge Relyg- 
yon. But yf it be douted whether Juftice be a vertue or nat / and 
I wolde proue the part affyrmatyue / my theme were now compounde 
/ that is to fay /Juftice is a vertue. For it is made of .ii. 2 thynges 
knyte or vnied togither/ Juftice and vertu. Here muft be noted 
that Logike is a playne and a fure way to inftructe a man of the 
trouth of euery thynge. And that in it the natures, caufes, partis, 
and effectes of thinges ar by certayne rules difcuffid and ferchyd 
out/ So that nothinge can be perfectly and propryely knowen but 
by rules of Logike[,] whiche is nothynge but an obferuacyon or a 
diligent markynge of nature / wherby in euery thynge mannes 
reafon dothe confyder what is fyrfte / what lafte / what propre / what 
impropre. 

The places or instrumentes of a fymple theme ar. 

The definicion of the thyng. The partes. 

The caufes. The effectes. 

Example. If thou inquyre what thyng [A vi a] Juftyce is / 
Wherof it cometh / what partes it hathe / and what is the offyce or 
effecte of euery parte / then hafte thou diligently ferched out the 
whole nature of Juftice. And handelyd thy fymple theme accord- 
ynge to the preceptes of Logeciens / To whome oure author leuith 
fuche maters to be difcuffyd" of them. Howe be it fomwhat the 
Rhetoriciens haue to do with the fymple theme/ and afmoch as 
fhalbe for theyr entent wewyl fhew hereafter. For many tymes the 
orator muft vfe bothe diffinicions and diuifions. But as they be in 
Logyke playne and compendioufe / So are they in Rhetorike 
extendid & paynted with many fygures and ornamentes longynge 3 
to the fcience. Neuertheles to fatiffie the reders mynde and to 
alleuiate the tedioufnes of ferchynge thefe places I wyll opyn the 
maner and faffhyon of the handilynge of the theme afore fayd as 
playnely as I can after the preceptes of Logike / ^f fyrft to ferche 
out the perfyght knowlege of Juftyce I go to my fyrft place 
definicion /And fetche fro^z Ariftotle in his ethiks the definicion 

1 B. oinits any. 2 B. two. 3 B. belongyng. 



46 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

of Juftyce whiche is this / Juftyce is a morall vertue whereby men 
be the werkers of ryghtful thyngw x / that is to fay / wherby 
they both loue & alio do fuch thinges as be Jufte. Thys done I 
ferche the caufe of [A vi b] Juftyce that is to faye from whens it toke 
the fyrft begynning and bycaufe that it is a morall vertue and Plato 
in the ende of his dialogue Menon concludeth that all vertue 
commyth of god I am allured, that god is the chefe caufe of Juftice 
declaring it to the worlde by his inftrument mannes wyt whiche the 
fame Plato affyrmythe in the begynning of hislawes. The definicyon 
and caufe had [,] I come to the thyrde place callid partes to knowe 
whether ther be but one kynde of Juftyce or els many. And for 
thys purpofe I fynde that Ariftotele in the .v. 2 of his ethikes deuideth 
Juftice in .ii. 3 fpeces or kyndes/one that he calleth iuftice legitime or 
legall / and 4 an other whyche he called equyte. Juftyce legall / is 
that / that confifteth in the fuperyours whiche haue power to make 
or ftatute lawes to the inferiours / and the offyce or ende of thys 
Juftyce is to make fuche lawes as be bothe good and accordynge to 
ryght and confcience / and then to declare them / and whe/z they 
are made and publyff hed as they ought to be / to fe that they be put 
in vre. For what auayleth it to make neuer fo good lawes if they be 
nat obferuyd and kepte. 

And fynally that the maker of the lawe apply his hole ftudye 
and mynde to the welth of his fubiectes and to the commune 
[A vii a] profyte of them. The other kynde of Juftice whiche 
men call equite is wherby a man nother 5 taketh nother 6 giueth / 
les nor more then he ought / but in gyuyng taketh good hede that 
euery man haue accordyng as he deferuith : This eqz//te 7 is agayne 
diuided into equite diftributyue of commune thynges & equite 
Comnutatyue / ^f By equite diftributyue is diftributyd & gyuen 
of Cowraune goodes to euery man accordyng to his deferuinges & 
as he is worthy to haue. As to deuyde amonges fuche as longe to 
the churche of the churche goodes after the qualyte of theyr 
merytes, and to them that be cyuyle 8 perfones of the commune 
tresour of the cyte accordynge as they are worthy. In this parte is 
comprehendyd the punyfhment of myfdoers and tranfgreffours of 

1 B. thynges. 5 B. neyther. 

2 B. fyfte. 6 B. nor. 
3B. two. 7 B. Equitie. 

4 B. omits and. 8 B. to them beynge Ciuil. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 47 

the lawe / to whome correccion mufte be diftrybuted for the 
commune wele accordynge to theyr demerytes after the prefcryp- 
tions of the lawes of the contrey made and determynyd for the 
punyffhement of any maner J tranfgreffour. Equite co/nmuta- 
tyue is a iufte maner in the chaungyng of thynges from one to 
another whole offyce or effecte is to kepe iufte dealynge in equite, as 
byenge / fellynge, and all other bargaines lauful / ^ And fo are 
here with the fpeces of Juftyce declared theyr offices / which was 
the fourth & last place. 2 Oure auctour [A vii b] alfo in a grete 
werke that he hathe made vpon Rhetoryke declareth the handelyng 
of a theme fympleby the fame example of Juftice, addynge .ii. places 
mo, whiche ar callyd affynes 3 and contraries on this maner. 

What is Juftice ? A uertu wherby to euery thynge is gyuen that 
that to it belongyth. / ^f What is the caufe therof ? ma/mes wyll 
confenting with lawes and maneres / ^f how many kyndes ? .ii. 4 
whiche ? Commutatyue and diftributyue / For in .ii. s maneres is our 
medlynge with other men other 5 in thynges of our fubftance and 
wares, or in gentyll and cyuyle conuerfacyon. 

What thyng is Juftyce commutatyue? Ryght and equite in all 
contractes. 

What is Juftyce diftributyue ? Juftyce of cyuyle lyuyng. How 
manyfolde is Juftice dyftributyue ? Eyther yt is commune/ or pry- 
uate. The commune is callyd in latin pietas / but in englyffhe it 
may be mofte properly namyd goode ordre, whiche is the coroune 6 
of all vertues conferuynge honefte & cyuyle conuerfacion of men 
togyther / as the hedd^ with the meane comynalte in good vnite 
& concorde. Priuate or feueral / iuftice diftributyue is honefte & 
amyable frendefhype / and conuerfacyon of neyghbours. 

What are the offyces ? To do for euery man ryche or pore of 
what someuer ftate [A viii a] he be 7 and for our contrey / for our 
wyues, chyldren, and frendes, that that ought to be done for euery 
of them. 

Affynes or vertues nyghe to Juftyce are Conftancie / Lyberalyte / 
Temperaunce /. Thynges contrary ar fere / couytyfe / pr<?digalyte. 
And this is the maner of handelynge of a fimple theme dialectual. 8 

1 B. inserts of. 5 B. eyther. 

2 Last nine words added from B. 6 B. crowne. 

3 B. affines. ? B. of what eftate so euer he be. 
4 B. two. 8 B. dialectycall. 



48 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

But yet let not the reder deceyue hym felfe/and thynke that the 
very perfyght knowlege is 1 fhewyd hym 2 here / what 3 hath bene 
f hewyd now is f ome what generall and brefe. 

More lure and exacte knowledge is conteyned in Logyke / to 
whome I wyll aduife them that be ftudyoufe to reforte and to fetche 
euery thyng in his one proper faculte. 4 

^f Of a Theme compounde. 

Euery theme compounde eyther it is prouyd true or falfe. Nowe 
whether thou wylt proue or improue any thinge it mufte be done by 
argument. And any theme compounde be it Logycall or Rhetor- 
ycall / it mufte be referryd to the rules of Logike by the^ to be 
prouyd true or falfe. For thys is the dyfference that is betwene 
thefe two fciencis / that the Logycyan in difputynge obferuythe 
certayne rules for the fettynge of his words [,] beynge folycytous that 
ther be fpokyn no more nor no les then the thynge requirith / and 
that [A viii b] it be euen as playnly fpoke^ as it is thought. But the 
Rhetoricyan feketh abought and boroweth when he can afmuche as 
he may for to make the fymple and playne Logycall argumentes gay 
and delectable to the aere. 5 fo then the fare Judgement of argu- 
mentes or reafons mufte be lernyd of the Logicyan but the crafte to 
fet them out with plefaunte fygures and to 6 delate the matter longith 7 
to the Rhetorycian / as in Myloes caufe of 8 whom was made 
me^cyon afore. 

^f A logician wolde bryefly argue / who fo euer violently wyll flee 
an other / may lawfully of the other be flayne in his defence. 
Clodius wolde vyolently haue flayn Milo / wherfore Clodius might 
lafully be flayne of Milo in Milous owne defence. And this argu- 
ment the logiciens call a Sillogifme in Darii / which Tully in his ora- 
cion extendeth that in foure or fyue leues it is fcant made an end 
of / nor no man can haue knowlege whether Tullies argument that 
he maketh in his oracyon for Milo / be a goode argument or nat / 
and howe it holdeth / excepte he can by Logyke reduce it to the 

1 A. reads it. S B. eare. 

2 B. inserts all after hym. 6 B. supplies to. 

3 B. And that whiche hath ben. ?B. belongeth 

4 B. proper facultie. 8 B. supplies of. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 49 

perfecte and briefe forme of a ■ Sillogifme / takynge in the meane 
feason of the Rhetorycyans what ornamentes have bene caft fo 1 
for to lyght and augment the oracyon / and to gyue it a maieftie. 

[B i a] T{ The places out of whome are founde argumentes for 
the prouinge or improuynge of compounde Themes / are these fol- 
lowinge 

Diffinicion. 

Caule. 

Partes. 

Lyke. 

Contrary. 

Of the places of argumentes i'halbe fpoken hereafter. For as 
touchynge them in all thynges the Rhetorician and Logycian do 
agre. But as concernynge the crafte to fourme argumentes wha« 
thou haft founde them in theyr places / that muft be lerned of the 
Logician / where he treateth of the fourme of Sellogifmes / Enthi- 
memes and Inductions. 

Of an oracion demonftratiue. 

The ufe of an oracyon demonftrative is in prayfe or dyfprayfe / 
whiche kynde or maner of oracyon was greatly vfed fomtyme in 
comon accyons / as dothe declare the oracyons of Demofthenes / 
and alfo many of Thucidides oracions. And there ben thre maners 
of oracions demonftratyue. 

The fyrft conteyneth the prayfe or dyfprayfe of perfones. As yf 
a man wolde prayfe the kynges hyghnes or / dyfprayfe fome yl per- 
fone / it muft be done by an oracyon demonftratyue. The fecunde 
kynde [B i b] of an oracyon demonftratyue is : where in is prayfed or 
dispraifed / nat the perfon but the dede. As yf a thefe put hym- 
felfe in leopardy for the fafegarde of a true man / agaynfte other 
theues and murderers / the perfon can nat be prayfed for his vicious 
lyuynge, but yet the dede is worthy to be commended. Or if one 
fhulde fpeake of Peters denyenge of Chrifte / he hath nothynge to 
dyfprayfe the perfon faue onely for this dede. The thyrde kynde 
is : wherin is lauded or blamed nother perfon nor dede / but fome 
other thynge as vertue / vice / iuftice / iniurie / charite / enuie / 
pacience / wrothe and fuche lyke. 

1 B. to. 



50 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

Partes of an Oracion. 

The partes of an oracion prefcribed of Rhetoriciens are thefe. 

The Preamble or exorden. 

The Tale or narracion. 

The prouinge of the matter or contencion. 

The conclufion. 

Of the whiche partes mencyon fhall be made hereafter in euery 
kynde of oracions, for they are nat founde generally in euery ora- 
cion / but fome haue moo partes / and fome leffe. 

Of the Preamble. 

[B ii a] Generally the Preamble nat alonly in an oracion 
demonftratiue / but alfo in the other two is conteyned and muft be 
fetched out of thre places / that is to fay of beneuolence / atten- 
cion / & to make the mater eafy to be knowen / whiche the Rhetori- 
cians call Docilite. 

Beneuolence is the place whereby the herer is made willyng to 
here vs / and it is conteyned in the thynge that we fpeke of / 
in them whom we fpeke to / & in our owne perfon. The eafyeft 
and mofte vfed place of beneuolence confyfteth in the offyce or duety 
of the perfon / whan we fhew that it is oure duety to do that we be 
aboute. 

Out of this place is let the preamble of faynt Gregory Naza- 
zene / made to the prayfe of faynt Bafyl-/ where he fayth that it is 
his duety to prayfe faynt Bafyll for thre caufes. For the grate loue 
and frendefhype that hath ben always betwene thew / and agayne 
for the remembraunce of the mofte fayre and excellent vertues that 
were in hym / and thyrdely that the churche myght haue an exam- 
ple of a good & holy Byffhop, ^f Trewly by our authours lycence 
me thynketh that in the preamble Nazazen doth nat only take 
beneuolence out of the places 1 of his owne perfon /but alfo oute of 
the other two / whan he fheweth the caufe [B ii b] of hys duetye / 
for in prayfynge hys frende he dyd but his duetye. In prayfynge his 
vertues / he cam to the place of beneuolence of hym that he fpake 
of /as touchynge the example that the churche fhulde haue / it was 
for theyr profyte / and concernyng the place of beneuolence / taken 
of them that he fpake. to. But our authour regarded chyefly the 

1 B. place. 



THE ARTE OR CRAETE OE RHETHORYKE 51 

principall propofycyon / which was that faynt Gregory Nazazene 
was bounde to prayfe faynt Bafyll. 

A lyke example of beneuolence taken out of the place of oftyce 
or duety / is in the oracyon that Tully made for the Poet Archyas / 
whiche begynneth thus : 

My lordes that be here iuges / yf there be in me any wyt / 
whiche I know is but fmall / or yf I haue any crafty vie of mak- 
ynge an oracion / wherin I deny nat but that I haue metely excer- 
cifed my felfe, or yf any helpe to that fcyence co7;zmeth out of other 
lyberall artes / in whome I haue occupied all my lyfe / furely I am 
bounde to no man more for them than to Archyas / which may law- 
fully if I may do any man any profyte by the;^ / chalenge a chyefe 
porcyon for hym therin. 

Out of this place dyd this lame Tully fetche the begynnynge of 
his fyrfte epiftle / in whome he wrytethe to one Lentule on [B iii a] 
thys maner : I do lb my duety in all poyntes to warde you / and 
fo great is the loue and reuerence that I bere vnto you that all other 
men faye that I can do no more / and yet me femeth that I haue 
neuer don that that I am bounde to do / eyther to you or in your 
caufe. 

We may alio get beneuolence by reafon of them/ whome we make 
our oracion of : As yf we faye that we can neuer prayfe hym to 
hyghly / but that he is worthy moche more laude and prayfe. And 
fo taketh faint Nazazene 1 beneuolence in his fayde oracion for faynt 
Bafile. 

Alio of them afore whome we fpeke / as if we fay / it is for theyr 
profyte to laude or prayfe the perfon. And that we knowe very well 
howe moche they haue alwayes loued hym / and that he ought ther- 
fore to be prayfed the more for theyr fakes. The maner is alfo to 
get vs beneuolence in the preface of our oracyon / by pynchynge 
and blamynge of our aduerfarie. As doth Tully in the oracion that 
he made for one Aulus Cecinna / wherin he begynnethe hys 
proeme thus. If temerie 2 and lake of fhame coulde as moch preuaile 
in plees afore the iuftices / as dothe audacite and temerarious bolde- 
neffe in the feldes & deferte plac^j- / there were no remedie but euen 
fo mufte [B iii b] Aulus Cecina be ouer come in this matter by Sex- 
tus Ebucius impudence / as he was in the felde ouercome by his 

1 B. Nazianzene. 

2 B. temerite. 



52 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

infidious audacite. And thefe be the commune formes of beneuo- 
lence. 

A man may alfo fetche his p/^heme 1 out of the nature of the 
place wher he fpeketh / as Tullye dothe in the oracyon made for 
Pompeius for the fendynge of hym unto Afie agaynft kynge Mithri- 
dates of Pontus / and kynge Tigranes of Armenie on this maner : 
howe be it my lordes & maifters of this noble cite of Rome / I haue 
al tymes thought it a fynguler reioyfe to me if I myght ones fe you 
gadred to gyther in a company / to here fome publique oracion of 
myne / and agayne I iuged no place to be fo ample and fo honour- 
able to speke in as thys is. &c. 

Or he maye begyn at the nature of the tyme that is then / or at 
fome other cyrcu^ftaunce of his mater / as Tully taketh the begyn- 
nygne of his oracion for Celius at the tyme / this wyfe. 

If fo be it my lordes iudges any man be nowe prefent here that 
is ignorant of your lawes / of youre proceffe in iugementes & of your 
cuftomes / furely he may well maruell what fo heynous a mater this 
fhulde be / that it onely f hulde be fyt vppon in an [B iiii a] hygh 
feafte day / whan all the comonaltye after theyr olde cuftome are 
gyuen to the fight of playes / ordeined after a perpetual vsage for the 
nones for them / all maters of the law layd for the tyme vtterly a part. 

He began alfo an other oracion for one Sextus Rofcius / out of 
the dau//ger of the feafon that he fpake in. 

One may befyde thefe vfe other maner of prohemes / whiche 
bycaufe they are nat fet out of the very mater it felfe / or els the 
cercumftaunces / as in thefe aforfayd they are called peregrine or 
ftrauz/ge prohemes. And they be taken out of fe;/tences / folewpne 
peticions / maners or cuftomes / lawes / ftatutes of nacions & con- 
treys. And on thys maner dothe Ariftides begyn his oracion made 
to the prayfe of Rome. 

Demofthenes in his oracyon made agaynft Efchines / toke his 
preface out of a folempne petycyon / befechynge the goddes that 
he myght haue as goode fauour in that caufe / as he had founde in 
all other maters that he had done afore for the comon welthe. 

In lyke maner begynneth Tully the oracion that he made for 
one Murena / & alfo the oracyon that he made vnto the Romaynes 
after his retourne from exyle. 

1 B. proeme. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 53 

He begynnethe alfo another oracyon / [B iiii b] whiche he made 
as touchynge a lawe decreed for the diuifion of feldes amonge the 
comunes out of a cuftome amonge them / on this wyie. 

The maner and cuftome of our olde faders of Rome hathe bene. 
&c. And this is the maner of prefaces in any oracyon / whiche is 
alfo obferued in the makinge of epyftles / howe be it there is farre 
leffe crafte in them than is in an oracyon. 

There is yet an other fourme & maner to begyn by inf inuacion / 
wherfore it behoueth to knowe ,that infinuacion is / wha?z in the 
begynnyng / yf the mater feme nat laudable or honeft / we find an 
excufe therfore. 

Example / Homere in his Iliade defcribeth one Therfites / that 
he was mofte foule and euyll fauored of all the Grekes that came to 
the batayle of Troye / for he was both gogle eyed / and lame on 
the one legge / with croked and penched fhulders / and a longe 
pyked hede / balde in very many places. And befyde thefe fautes 
he was a great folyff he babler / and ryght foule mouthed / and ful 
of debate and ftryfe / carrynge alwayes agaynft the heddes and wyfe 
men of the armye. 

Nowe if one wolde take vpon hym to make an oracion to the 
prayfe of [t]his lofel / whiche mater is of litle honefty in it felfe/[B 
v a] he mult vfe in ftede of a preface an infinuacion. That what 
thynge poetes or commune fame doth eyther prayfe or difpraife 
ought nat to be gyuen credence to / but rather to be fufpecte. For 
ones it is the nature of poetes to fayne and lye/ as bothe Homere 
and Virgile / which are the princes and heddes of al poetes do wit- 
neffe them felfe. Of whome Homere fayth/that poetes make many 
lies / and Virgile he fayth The mofte part of the fene is but 
deceyte. Poetes haue fene blake foules vnder the erthe / poetes 
haue fayned and made many lyes of the pale kyngdome of Plato V 
and of the water of Stegie / and of dogges in hell. And agayne 
commune rumours howe often they ben vayne / it is fo open that it 
nede nat to be declared, wherfore his truft is that the hearers wylj 
more regarde his faynge then 2 fayned fables of poetes / and fleyng 
tales of lyght fokes / whiche ar for the more parte the grounders of 
fame and rumours. 

1 Sic for Pluto in both A attd B. 
2 B. than. 



54 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

An example may be fet out of the declamacion that Erafmus 
made to the prayfe of folyffhenes. 

An other example hath the fame Erafmus in his feconde boke of 
Copia/whiche is this. Plato in the fyfte dialogue of his commu- 
nalitie wyllethe that no man fhall [B vb] haue no wyfe of hys owne/ 
but that euery woman fhalbe commune to euery man. If any man 
than wolde eyther prayfe or defende this mynde of Plato / which is 
both contrarie to Chriftes religion and to the commune lyuynge of 
men / he myght as Erafmus teacheth / begynne thus. 

I knowe very well that this matter whiche I haue determined to 
fpeake of / wyll feme vnto you at the fyrfte herynge / nat onely very 
ftraunge/but alio right abhominable. But that nat withftandynge/ 
yf it wyll pleafe you a litle while to deferre your iudgeme«t tyll ye 
haue herde the fuwme of fuche reafons as I wyll brynge forthe in the 
caufe / I doubte nothynge but that I fhall make the trouthe fo euy- 
dent that you all wyll with one affent approue it / & knowlege that 
ye haue ben hytherto marueloufly deceyued in your oppynyon / 
and fomdele to alleuiate your myndes / ye fhall vnderftande that I 
am nat my felfe authour of the thynge/but it is the mynde & faynge 
of the excellent & moite hyghly named philofopher Plato / whiche 
was vndoubted fo famouie a clerke / fo defcrete a man / and fo ver- 
tuoufe in al his dedes / that ye may be fure he wold fpeke nothyng 
but it were on ryght perfite grounde / and that the thynge were of 
it felfe very expedient / [B vi a] thoughe peraduenture it f hewe fer 
otherwyfe at the fyrfte herynge. 

In all prefaces or preambules mufte be good hede taken that 
they be not to fer fet nor to longe. 

Thefe affectuoufe wordes / I reioyfe / I am fory / I maruayle / I 
am glad for your fake / I defy re / I fere / I pray god / and fuche 
other lyke be very apte for a preface. 

Of the feconde place of a preface called Attencyon. 

The herers fhalbe made attente or dylygente to gyue audyence 
yf the oratour made x promyfe that he wyll lhewe them newe thynges 
/ or els neceffary or profytable / or yf he faye that it ys an harde 
mater that he hathe in handelynge or els obfcure and nat ealy to be 
vnderfto;/de 2 excepte they gyue ryght good atte/zdaunce, wherfore 

1 B. make. 2 B. vndersta^d. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 55 

it is expedient that yf they wyll haue the percepcyon of it, that they 
gyue a good eare. But as concernynge the newnes or profyte of 
the matter it makythe nat all onely the herar to gyue a good eare 
(whiche thinge is callyd attencion) but alio it 1 makyth him well 
wyllynge to* be prefe«te whiche is beneuolence. 

Docilite. 

[B vi b] Docilite whereby we make the mater playne and eafy 
to be percyued / is nat greatly required in this kinde of oracyon / 
for it is belonginge properly to derke and obfcure caufes / in whiche 
we mufte promyfe that we wyll nat vie great ambages / or to go 
(as men faye) rounde about the buffh / but to be fhort and plaine. 

Of narracion whiche is the feconde parte of an oracion. 

The Narracion or tale wherin perfones are prayied / is the 
declarynge of theyr lyfe and doynges after the faiYhyon of an 
hyftorye. The places out of the whiche it is fought are : The 
perfones byrthe. His chyldhode. His adolefcencie. His ma/mes 
ftate. His olde age. His dethe and what foloweth after. 

In his byrthe is confydered of what itocke he came / what 
chaunfed at the tyme of his natiuite or nighe vpo;z / as 3 in the 
natiuite of Chryfte fhepeherdes harde angelles fynge. 

In his chyldhode are marked his bryngynge vp & tokens of 
wyfdome co^miynge : As Horace in his furthe 4 Satire fheweth / 
howe in his chyldhode his father taught hym by examples of fuche as 
were than lyuynge to flee from vice and to gyue hymfelfe to vertue. 

[B vii a] In adolefcence is confydered where to he than gyueth 
hym felfe. As in the fyrft comedie of Terence one Simo telleth his 
feruaunt Sofia / that thoughe all yonge men for the more parte 
gyue them felfe to fome peculiare thynge / wherin they fette theyr 
cheife delyght / as fome to haue goodly horfes / fome to cheryffhe 
houndes for huntyng / & fome are gyuen onely to theyr bokes / his 
fo«ne Panphilus loued none of thefe more one tha;<? an other /and 
yet in all thefe he exercifed hym felfe mefurably. 

In mannes ftate and olde age is noted what office or rule he 
bare among his citifens / or in his contrey / what actes he dyd / 

1 B. it omitted. 3 As inserted from B. 

2 B. for to. 4 B. fourthe. 



56 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

howe he gouerned fuche as were vnder hi#z[,] howe he profpered / & 
what fortune he had in fuche thynges as he went about. Example 
here of is in Salufte / whiche co^pareth together Cato and Cefar / 
fayeng that bothe theyr ftocke / age and eloquence were almofte lyke 
and egall / theyr excellencie 1 and greatnes of fpirite and wytte was 
alfo lyke and egal / and lyke fame and worfhyppe had they bothe 
attayned howe be it nat by a lyke waye. Cefer was had in great 
eftymacyon for his benefites and liberalyte. Cato had gotten hym 
a name for his perfyght & vpryght lyuynge. Cefar was prayfed for 
his gentilnes and pitie. Cato was [B vii b] honored for his 
erneftnes and furete. 

The tother wanne moche bruyt by gyuynge large gyftes/by 
helpynge fuche as were in dyftreffe, and by forgiuyng of trefpaffes 
done agavnfte bym. Catous fame dyd f[p]rede be caufe he wold 
neither be forgyuen of none offence / neither forgiue non other / 
but as any man had deferued / fo to caufe him to be delt with. In 
the one was great refuge to fuche as were in myfery : In the other 
was fore punyffhement and pernicion to myfdoers and euyl tran[fj- 
greffours of the law. Briefly to conclude it was al Ceazars mynde 
and pleafure to labour dilygently nyght and daye in his frendes caufes 
/ to care leffe for his owne bufynes than theyrs / to deny nothynge 
that was worthy to be afked / his defyre was euermore to be in 
werre / to haue a great hooft of me/2 vnder his gouernaunce / that 
by his noble and hardy fayctes his valyantnes myght be the more 
knowen & fpred abrod. Contraryly all Catous ftudy was on te;^per- 
au/?ce/and to do in no maner otherwyfe than was conuenient & 
fettynge 2 for fuche a man as he was / and chiefly he fette his mynde 
to feueryty [;] he neuer made no companion with the riche man in 
richeffe / nor with the myghty man in power. But yf nede required / 
with the hardy ma« in boldnes / [B viii a] with the temperate in 
moderacyon / with the good man in innocency & iuft dealing. He 
cared nat for the name / it was fufficie/zt to hym to haue the dede/ 
& f o / the leffe he cared for glorye / the more alwayes he opteyned. 
Many fuche comparyfons very profitable for this intent / are alfo in 
Plutarche in his boke of noble mennes lyues. 

A goodly enfa^ble 3 of this place is in the oracyon that Hermola/Af 

1 From B. In A. excellent. 

2 B. iyttynge. 

3 B. ensawple. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 57 

Barbarus made to the emperour Frederike and Maximilian his fon 
/ whiche for bicaufe it is so long I let it paffe. A lyke enfample is 
in Tullyes oracyon/ that he made to the people of Rome for Pom- 
peyus / to be lent agaynfte Myth ry dates. 

Some there be that deuide the landes z of perfons into thre 
kyndes of goodes begynnynge the narracion at them / whiche 
thynge our author dothe not greatly commende / but rather in 
reherfyng of any perfons dedes / yf theyr can nat be kept an order 
of hiftorie / and many thynges mult be fpoken. It were after his 
mynde befte to touche fyrft his actes done by prudence / & nexte 
by iuftice / thyrdely by fortitude 2 of the mynde / and laft by tem- 
peraunce / and fo to gather the narracion out of this foure cardinall 
vertues. As if one fhuld prayfe faint Auften / after that he hath 
spoke// of his parentele [B viii b] and bryngynge vp in youth /and 
is come to the reherfall of his actes / they may be conueniently dif- 
tributed into the places of vertues. On this maner dyd Tully 
prayfe Pompey. 

I fuppofe (fayeth he) that in hym that shulde be a hed capitayne 
ouer a great army ought to be four thynges. Knowlege of vverre / 
valiantnes/ auctoritie/ & felicitie. 

Here is to be noted that in reherfynge any perso//es actes / we 
may haue our chiefe refpecte to fome peculiare and pryncypall 
vertue in hym / enlargynge and exaltynge it by amplificacio/z in 
maner of a digreffio//. 

Our author in this worke maketh no mencyon of the laste place 
that is deathe and fuche thynges as folowe after / but in an other 
greater worke he declareth it thus briefly. The dethe of the per- 
fone hathe alfo his prayfes / as of fuche whiche haue ben flayne for 
the defence of theyr contrey or prynce. 

A very goodly enfample for the handelynge of this place is in 
an epiftle that Angele Policiane writeth in his fourth boke of epistels 
to James Antiquarie of Laurence Medices / howe wyfely and deuoutly 
he dyfpofed hym felfe in his dethe bed / and of his departynge / 
and what chaunfed at that tyme. 

[C i a] And fo to conclude [,] an oracion Demonftratiue / 
wherein perfones are lauded / is an hiftorycall expofycyon of all his 
lyfe in order. And there is no difference betweene this kynde and 

1 Sic, for laudes, in both A and~B. 

2 From B ; A. fortune, " Fortitudinis " in Mel. 



58 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

an hiftory / faue that in hiftories we be more briefe and vfe leffe 
curiofitie. Here all thynges be augmented and coloured with as 
much ornamentes of eloquence as^can be had. 

Confirmacion of our purpofe / and confutynge or reprouynge of 
the contrarye/ whiche are the partes of contencyon / are not requy- 
fyte in this kynde of oracyon / for here are nat treated any doubte- 
ful maters to whom contencyon perteynethe. Neuer the leffe/ 
fo^tyme it happenethe (howe be it it is feldome) thai a doubte may 
come / which muft be either defended / or at the lefte 1 excufed. 

Example. 

The frenche men in olde tyme made myghty warre agaynfte the 
Romayn^r and fo fore befyged them that they were by compulcyon 
conftrayned to fal to compofycyon with the frenche men for an huge 
fumme of golde / to be payed to them for the breakynge of the 
fyege / but beynge in this extreme myfery / they lent for one 
Camyllus / whome nat very longe afore they had banyffhed out of 
the citie / and in his abfence made hym dictatour / whiche [C i b] 
was the chyefeft dignitie amonge the Romaynes / and of fo great 
auctoritie / that for the fpace of thre monethes / for fo longe dured 
the offyce moft co;menie;ztly / he myght do all thynge at his 
pleafure / whether it concerned dethe or no / for no man fo hardy 
ones to fay nay agaynfte any thynge that he dyd / fo that for the 
fpace he was as a kynge / hauyng al in his owne mere power. 

Nowe it chaunced that while this fumme was in payenge / & 
nat fully wayed / Camillus of whome I fayd afore / that beyng in 
exile he was made dictatour / came with an army / and anone bad 
feafe of the payment / and that eche party fhulde make redy to 
batyle 2 / and so he vainquiffhed the frenche men. 

Nowe yf one fhulde prayfe hym of his noble faytes / it shulde 
seme that this was done contrary to the lawe of armes / to defayt 
the frenche men of the raunfom due to tYieni / fyns the compacte 
was made afore, wherfore it is neceffary for the oratour to defende 
this dede / and to proue that he dyd nothyng contrary to equitie. 
For the whiche purpofe he hathe two places. One apparent/ whiche 
is a common sayenge vfurped of the poete Dalus an viris quis in 

'B. leeft. 
2 B. bataile. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 59 

ofte requirat? That is to fay who wyll ferche whether the dede of 
enemy agaynfte enemy be [C ii a] either gyle or pure valyantnes ? 
But for that in warre lawe is as well to be kept as in other thynges. 
This sayeng is but of a feble grounde. The other is of a more 
ftro;zge affuraunce / whiche Titus Liuius writeth in his fyfte boke 
from the buyldynge of Rome / where he reherceth this hyftory nowe 
myncyoned / and that anlwere is this that the compacte was made 
to paye the forefayd raunfome after that Camillus was created 
dictatour / at what tyme it was nat lawfull that they whiche were of 
ferre leffe auctoritie / ye and had put them felfe holy in his hande / 
fhulde entermedle them with any maner of treatife without his 
lycence / and that he was nat bounde to ftande to theyr bargayne. 
The whiche argumente / is deducte out of two circumftances / 
wherof one is the tyme of the makynge of the compacte / and the 
other / the peribns that made it / which two cyrcumftaunces may 
briefly be called wha/z / & who. 

Lykewyfe yf an oracyon fhuld be made to the laude of faynt 
Peter / it behoueth to excufe his denyenge of chryfte / that it was 
rather of diuine power and wyll : tha/z otherwyfe /for a confortable 
example to fynners of grace yf they repente. 

This is the maner of hazzdelyng of an oracio;z demo/zftratiue / 
in which //ze perfo/z is prailed. 

[C ii b] The author in his greater worke declareth the fafhyon 
by this example. 

If one wolde praile kynge Charles / he fhulde kepe in his 
oracyon this order. 

Fyrft in declarynge his parentel / that he was kynge Pipines 
fone / whiche was the fyrfte of all kynges of Fraunce named the 
mofte chryften kynge / and by whome all after hym had the fame 
name /and Nephiew to Martell/ the moft valiau/zteit prince that euer 
was. Nexte / his bryngynge vp vnder one Peter Pyfane / of whome 
he was.inftructe bothe in Greke and Laten. Than his adoleffencie/ 
whiche he paffed in exercife of armes vnder his fader in the warres 
of Acquitaine / where he lerned alfo the Sarazynes tonge. 

Beynge come to mannes ftate / & nowe kynge of Fraunce / he 
fubdued Aquiatyn / Italye / Swaueland 2 and the Saxones. And 

1 B. Dolus au\_t\ virtus quis in hoste requirat. 
2 Sueviam in Mel. 



60 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

thefe warres were fo fortunate / that he ouercame his aduerfaries 
more by auctoritie & wyfedom tha?z by effufyon of blode. 

Alfo many other notable examples of vertue were in h}^m in that 
age / fpecyally that he edified the vniuerfitye of Paris. 

Here maye by digreffyon be declared howe goodly a thyng 
lernyng is in Prynces. Chiefly suche condicion appertayneth to 
vertue and good lyuynge. 

[C iii a] Here may be alio made companion of his vertues in 
warre / & of other agreynge with peace / in the whiche (as his 
hiftory maketh mencyon) he was more excellent. For his chyefe 
delyte was to haue peace / & agayne he was lb gentyll and lb 
mercyfull that he wolde rather faue euyn suche as had done hym 
great offence : & had deferued very well for to dye / thazz to dyftroye 
them / thoughe he myght do it conueniently. 

Befyde this / he was fo greatly enflamed in the loue of god and 
his holy church, that one Alcuine a noble clerk of England was 
continually with hym / in whofe preachynge and other goftely com- 
municacion he had a chiefe pleafure. His olde age he palled in 
refte and quyetnes fortunately / faue for one thyng / that his 
fonnes agreed euyll betwene them. 

After his deceafe reigned his fo;zne / holy faint Lewes / and fo 
the folowinges of his dethe were fuche that they colde be no better/ 
and a very great toke/z of his good and vertuoufe lyuynge. For yf 
an yll tre can brynge furthe no good fruite / what fhal we fuppofe 
of this noble kynge Charles/ of whom cam fo vertuoufe and fo 
holy a fon ? Truely methynkethe that hyther may be nat inco?/- 
uenie/ztly applied the faye;?g^ of the gofpel / by theyr fruits you 
fhal knowe the/;?. 

[C iii b] Tf Of an oration Demonftratiue / wherein an acte is 
pray fed. 

Whan we wyll prayfe any maner of dede / the molt apte pre- 
amble for that purpofe fhall be to fay that the mater pdTteineth 1 to 
the commodities of them which here vs. 

Example. 

Whan the Romaynes had expelled theyr kynge / whom the hiftori- 
cyens cal Tarquine the proude / out of the citie / and fully enacted 

1 B. perteyneth. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 61 

that they wolde neuer haue kynge to reigne more ouer them. This 
Tarquinus wente for ayde and focour to the kynge of Tufcaye / 
which wha« he could by no menes entreat the Romains to receiue 
agayn their kynge /he cam with all his puyffaunce agaynft the citye / 
and there longe fpace befieged the Romaynes by reaibn wherof , 
great penury of whete was in the citye / and the kynge of Tufcay 
hadde great trufte / that continuynge the siege / he i'hulde within 
a lytel lenger fpace compell the Romaynes through famine to yelde 
them felfe. 

In the meane fealbn a yonge ma« of the citie named Caius 
Mucius / came to the Senatours and fhewed them that he was pur- 
pofed yf they wolde gyue hym licence to go furthe of the citye to 
do an acte that [C iv a] fhuld be for theyr great profite and welth / 
whereupon when he had obteined licence / priuely / with weapon 
hyd vnder his vefture he cam to the Tulcans campe / and gate hym 
amonge the thyckefte nyghe to the tent where as the kyng fat 
with his chauTzceller / payenge the fowdiers theyr x wages. 

And by caufe that they were almoft of lyke apparel / and alfo the 
chau«celer fpake many thynges as a man beynge in auctorite / he 
coulde nat tell whether of them was the kynge / nor he durft nat 
afke / lefte his demaunde wolde haue bewrayed hym / for as for lan- 
guage they had one / & nothynge was different / for bothe Tus- 
cains and Romayns were all of Italye / as in tymes paft / Englande 
hathe had many kynges / thoughe the language and peple were 
one. And thus beynge in doubt whether of the^z he myght fteppe 
vnto / by chau^ce he ftrake the chau«celler in ftede of the kynge / 
and flewe hym / wherfore whan he was taken and brought before 
the kynge / for to puniffhe his hande that had fayled in takynge 
one for an other / and agayne to fhewe the kyng howe lytle he 
cared for his menaces he thraft his hande into the fyre / whiche at 
that tyme was there prepared for facrifyce / and there in the flame 
let it brenne / nat ones mouynge it. The kynge greatly [C iv b] 
merueylynge at his audacitie and hardy nature / commended hym 
greatly thereof / and bad hym go his way free. For the which (as 
though he wolde make the kynge a great amendes) he fayned that 
.iii. C. of the nobleft yonge men of Rome had confpyred togytherin 
lyke maner euery one after another vnwares to flee hym / and 
all to put theyr bodyes and lyues in hafarde tyll tyme fhulde 
1 B. the. 



62 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

chaunce that one myght acheue theyr entent. For fere whereof the 
kynge furthwith fel at a pointement with the Romaines / and 
departed. The yonge man after warde was named Sceuola / whiche 
is as muche to fay in Englyffh as lefte handed. For as I haue 
reherfed afore / he brente his ryght hande / so that he had lofte 
the vfe therof. 

If any oratour wolde in an oracyon commende this dede / he 
myght conueniently make the preface on this fafhyon. 1 

There is no doubte my lordes and mayfters of Rome : but that 
the remembraunce of Sceuolas name is very pleafant vnto your audi- 
ence / whiche with one acte that he dyd / endewed your citie with 
many & greate co^modyties. &c. 

This maner of preface is mofte conuenyent and belt annexyd to 
luche maner of oracyons demonftratyues. 

[C v a] Neuer the leffe it is lawfull for vs to take our preface (yf 
it be our pleafure) oute of some circumftaunce / as out of the place 
that our oracion is made in / or out of the tyme that we fpake 2 in / 
or els otherwyfe accordynge as we fhall haue occafyon. As Tullye / 
in the oracyon that he made for the reftitucyon of Marcus Mar- 
cellus / in the whiche he prayfeth Cezare for the callynge home of 
the fayd Marcus mercellz/.f out of exyle / he taketh his preamble out 
of the tyme & Cezares perfo/z / begynnyng thus. 

This daye my lordes Senatoures hathe made an ende of the longe 
fcilence that I haue kepte a great whyle / nat for any fere that I had / 
but part for great forowe that was in me / and partly for fhame / 
this daye as I fayd hathe take/z away that longe fcilence / ye / and 
befyde that of newe brought to me lufte and mynde to fpeke what I 
wolde / and what I thought mofte expedient / lyke as I was afore 
wont to do. For I can nat in no manner of wyfe refrayne / but I 
mufte nedes fpeke of the great mekenes of Cezare / of the gra- 
cioufnes that is in hym / fo habundant and lb great withall / that 
neuer afore any fuche hathe ben wont to be fene or harde of / and 
alfo of the excellent good moderacyon of all thynges whiche is in 
hym that hathe [C v b] all in his own mere power. Nor I can nat 
let paffe his excellent incredible / and diuine wyfdome vnfpoken 
of / afore you at thys tyme. 

1 B. facion. 
2 B. fpeke. 



THE ARTE OR CRAETE OF RHETHORYKE 63 

Of the Narracion. 

In this kynde we vie but felden hole narracions / oneles we make 
our oracion afore them that knowe nat the hiftory of the acte or 
dede whiche we be aboute to praile. But in ftede of a narracio/z we 
vfe a propofycion / on this maner. 

Amonge all the noble dedes Celar 1 that you haue done there is 
non that is more worthy to be prayfed then this reftitufion of Marke 
Marcell. 

Of Confyrmacion / which is the fyrite parte of Contencion. 

The places of confyrmacyon are honel'ty / perfite 2 lyghtnes 
or hardines of the 3 dede. For after the proherae of the oracion 
and the narracyon / then go we to the prouynge of our mater. Fyrft 
fhewing that it was a very honefte dede. And next / that it was nat 
all onely honefty : but alfo profitable. Thyrdely as concernynge the 
easines or dimculti / the praile therof mufte be conlydered / part 
in the doer / part in the dede. An eafy dede deferueth no great 
prayfe / but an harde & a ieoperdoufe thyng / the loner and the 
lyghtlyter it is acheued / the [C vi a] more it is to be lauded. The 
honefty of the cauie is fet from the nature of the thynge that is 
fpoken of / whiche place lieth in the wytte of the oratour / and 
maye alfo be fet out of the phylofophers bokes. It is alfo copiofely 
declared of Rhetorycyens / and very compendioufly handled of 
Erafmus in his boke / entituled of the maner & crafte to make 
epiftles / in the chapitre of a perfuadynge epiftle. The profyte of 
the dede / or the commoditie may be fet at the circu?^ftaunce of it. 
Circu#zftau/zces are thefe / what was done / who dyd it / whan / 
where it was done / amonge whom / by whole helpe. 

As if one wolde praife Sceuolaes acte / of the which mencio/z was 
made afore, he may whan he cometh to the places of contencion / 
fhew fyrfte howe honeft a dede it is for any man to put his lyfe in 
ieoperdy for the defence of his contrey / whiche is fo much the more 
to be commended that it came of his owne mynde / and nat by the 
inftigacion of any other / and howe profitable it was to the citie to 
remoue fo ftronge and puyffaunt an enemy by fo good and crafty 
policy / what tyme the citie was nat wel affured of all me/mes 
myndes that were within the walles / co;/fideryng that but a lytle 

1 B. Cezare. 2 B. profite. 3 B. adds the. 



64 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

afore many noble yonge men were detecte of treafon in the fame 
buiines. And [C vi b] then alio the citie was almofte deftitute of 
vitailes / and all other commodities neceffary for the defence. 

Lyke wyfe eafynes or difficultie are conteyned in the circum- 
ftaunces of the caufe. As in the example nowe fpoke« of / what an 
harde enterprife it is for one man to entre into a kynges armye / 
and to come to the kynges pauilion in the face of his fouldiers to 
aduenture to flee hym. 

Of the feconde part of contencion / called confutacion. 

Confutacion is the foilynge of fuche argumentes as maye be 
induced agaynfte our purpofe / whiche parte is but lytle vfed in an 
oracion demonftratiue. Neuer the leffe / fo;;ztyme may chau^ce a 
thynge that mufte be eyther defended or els at the lefte 1 excufed. As 
if any ma« wolde fpeke of Camillus dede / wherby he recouered his 
co/ztrey / & delyuered it ixom the hand^ of the Frenche mew. Here 
mufte be declared that the bargayne made afore was nat by Camilus 
violate. 

Of the conclufion. 

The conclufion is made of a brife enumeracion of fuche thynges 
that we haue fpoken of afore in the oracyon and in mouynge of 
affections. 

In delectable thinges or fuche thinges [C vii a] that haue bene 
well done / we moue our audyence to reioce thereat / and to do 
lyke. 

In fad thynges and heuy / to be fory for them. In yll and per- 
uerfe actes / to beware that they folowe nat them to theyr great 
fhame and confufyon. 

Of an oracion demonftratyue / wherin are praifed neither per- 
fones nor actes / but fome other thynge 2 / as religion / matrimony 
/ or fuche other. 

The befte begynnynge wyl be if it be taken out of fome hygh 
prayfe of the thynge. But a man maye alfo begyne otherwyfe / 
eyther at his owne perfon or at theyrs afore whom he fpeketh / or 
at the place in the whiche he fpeketh / or at the feafon prefent / 
or otherwyfe / as hathe afore ben fpecified / and here muft we take 
good hede that yf we take vpo« vs to praife any thynge that is no 8 

J B. leeft. 2 B. thynges. * Both A. and B. no. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 65 

praife worthy / than mufte we vfe infinuacyon / and excufe the tur- 
pitude / either by examples or by argumentes / as Erafmus dothe in 
his epiftle prefixed afore his oracyon made to the prayfe of folyffh- 
nes / of whiche I haue let pafie the tranflacyon becaufe the epiftle 
is fomwhat longe. 

The narracyon. 

In this maner of oracyon is no narracyon / but in ftede therof 
the Rhetorycyens [C vii b] al only propofe the mater. And this 
propofioz? is in //ze ftede of the narracyo/z. 

A very elegant example is in the oracion that Angele Politiane 
made to the laude of hiftories / whiche is this. Amonge all maner 
of wryters by whome either the Greke tounge or the latine hathe 
bene in floure and excellence / without doubte me femeth that they 
dyd molt profyte to ma;zkynde / by whom the excellent dedes of 
nacyons / prynces / or valyant men haue bene truely defcryued 
and put in cronicles. 

Lykewyfe yf a man prayfe peace / and fhewe what a commodi- 
oufe thynge it is he maye make fuche a propofycon. 

Amonge all the thynges whiche perteine to ma^nes commoditie / 
of what fomeuer condycon or nature lb euer they be / non is fo 
excellent and fo worthy to be had in honour and loue / as is 
peace. 

The confyrmacyon. 

The places of confyrmacyon be in this oracyon. The fame that 
were in the other (of whom mencion was made afore / honefty / 
profyte / eafynes / or difficulty. Honefty is confydered in the 
nature of the thynge / alfo in the perfones that haue excercyfed it / 
and the inuenters therof. And in the auctour of it. As in the 
laude of matrymony be confydered the [C viii a] auctour thereof/ 
whiche was god hym felfe / the antiquite that it was made in the 
fyrft begynnynge of the world / & continued (as reafo/z is) to this 
hour in great honour and reuere^ce. The perfones that haue vied 
it / were bothe patriarches / as Abraham. Prophetes / as Dauyd / 
Apoftels / as faynt Peter. Martyrs / faynt Euftache / And cozzfef- 
fours as faynt Edwarde. And (whiche thynge was fyrfte propofed) 
the nature therof is fuche / that without it : man fhuld be lyke vnto 
befte / oneles all generacyon fhulde be put aparte. And the com- 



66 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

mau/zdement of almighty god not regarded / who bad ma// & woma« 
fhuld engender & multiply. 

Profite and eafines is confidered in the circumftaunces. Exam- 
ples may be taken out of Polycyans oracyons / made to the laude of 
hyitoryes. And two oracyons of Erafmus one to the laude of phyf- 
ike / and an other to the laude of matrymony. 

Of confutacyon. 
Confutacyon hathe contrary places to confyrmacyon. 

Of the conclufyon. 

The periode or conclufyon ftandethe in the bryefe enumeracyon 
of thyng^\r fpoken afore / and in mouynge the affectyons / as hathe 
bene aboue expreffed. 

[C viii b] Of an oracyon deliberatiue. 

An oraciozz deliberatiue is by the whiche we p<?rfuade or difiuade 
any thing / and by the which we afke / or whereby we exorte any 
man to do a thynge / or els to forfake it / and this kynde of oracion 
is muche in vse / nat onely in ciuile maters : but alfo in epiftles. 

Of the preamble. 

We may begynne our oracion in this kynde / euyn lyke as we 
dyd in an oracyon demonftratyue / but mofte aptly at our offyce or 
duety / lefte fome men wolde thynke that we dyd it more of a pri- 
uate affection for our owne cozzzmoditie & plefure : than for any 
other mannes profyte. 

And in this maner Saluft in his boke of Cathelyne bryngethe in 
Cezare / begynnynge an oracyon. But let vs here nowe what Cezar 
fayeth. 

All men my lordes Senatoures whiche' fyt couzzcellyng vpon any 
doubtfull maner / mufte be voyde of hatred / frezzdfhyppe / anger / 
pitye / or mercye. For where any of thefe thynges bere a rule / 
mannes minde cazz nat lightely p^ceiue 1 the truthe. &c. 

Or els we may begyn at the greten^r 2 of the mater / or dauzzger 
of the thyng that we fpeke of / as in the fyfte boke of Limus 
Camilla maketh the preazzzble of his oracio/z thzzj-. 

1 B. perceyue. 2 B. greatenes. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 67 

[D i a] My mayfters of this Citie of Ardea / whiche haue ben 
alwayes myne old frendes / & nowe (by reafon of myne exyle out of 
Rome) my newe neyghbours and citizens. For I thanke you of 
your goodnes you haue promyfed that it fhulde fo be / & on the 
other lyde my fortune hath conftrayned me to feke fome newe 
dwellyng out of the citie where I was brought vp and enhabyted. 
I wolde nat that any of you fhulde thynke that I am nowe come, 
amonge you nat remembrynge my cowdicyon and ftate / but the 
com on ieopardy that we be all nowe in / wyll compell euery man to 
open and fhewe the befte remedy that he knowethe for our focoure 
in this great fere and neceffyty. 

Natwithftandynge this / a man maye take his begynnynge other- 
wyfe / after any of the facyons afore recyted / if he lyfte. 

Tully in the oracion / wherin he aduifed the Romaynes to make 
Pompey theyr chyefe capytayne againfte Mythrydates and Tygranes / 
kynges of Ponthus and Armeny / taketh in the preface beneuole^ce 
from his owne perfon / fhewynge by what occacyon he myght law- 
fully gyue cou/zcell to the Romaynes / bycaufe he was electe Pretor 
of the citie. We may alio touche our aduerfaryes in the preface / or 
els we may [D i b] touche the maners / either of fome feuerall per- 
fons / or of the commons in general. As in the oracyon that Por- 
cyus Cato made agaynfte the fumptuoufnes of the women of Rome / 
thus. 1 

If euery man my lordes and maifters of this citie wolde obferue 
and kepe the ryght and maiefty of a man agaynfte his owne wyfe / 
we fhulde haue ferre leffe encombrance nowe with the hole thronge 
than we haue. But nowe our fredome & lybertie is ouercome within 
our owne dores by the importunatnes of our wyues / and fo audi- 
citie 2 take;/ therof here troden vnder the fete/ and oppreffed in the 
parlyament houfe ! And by caufe we wold nat difpleafe no man his 
owne wyfe at home : here are we nowe combred with all / gathered 
togyder on a hepe / & brought in that takinge that we dare nat ones 
open our lyppes agaynfte them. &c. 

We may alfo begyn at the nature of the tyme that we fpeke in/ 
or at the nature of the place / or at any other circumftaunce or 
thynge incident. As Liuius in the .ix. boke of his fourthe decade 
agaynfte the feaftes that the Romaynes kept in the honour of the 

1 B. adds begynnynge. 

2 B. audacitie. 



68 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

ydolyfhe god Bacchus / begynneth his oracyon at prayenge on this 
wyfe. 

[D ii a] The folempne makynge of prayers vnto the goddes 
was neuer fo apte nor yet fo neceffary in any oracyon as it is in this / 
whiche fhall l'hewe and admonyfhe you that they be very & right 
goddes / whom our elders haue ordeyned to be worf hypped / adoured 
/ and prayed vnto. 

Bryefly in all prefaces belongynge to oracyons delyberatyues the 
offyce of the perfo/z : & the neceffytye or co^modytye of the 
matter that we treate of are confydered. 

The narracyon. 

In oracyons dylyberatyues 1 we vie very feldome narracyons / 
but for the more parte in ftede of the/^ we make a bryef propofyo/* 
conteynynge the fumme of our entent. As nowe adayes nothynge 
is fo neceffary as to labour to brynge thefe diffencyons that be in 
the churche to a perfecte vnite and concorde / that accordynge to 
Chriites fayenges / there be but one fhepherde and one folde. 
Neuertheles we vfe fometyme briefe narracyons / whan that fome- 
thynge hathe bene done all redy of that that we gyue our councel 
vpon / as in the aboue fayd oracio;/ that Tuly made for Powpey / 
where he maketh this narracyon. 

Great & very perillous warre is made bothe agaynfte your tribu- 
tours / and alfo them that bothe confederate with you / [D ii b] 
and by you called your felowes / whiche warre is moued by two 
ryght myghty kynges / Mythrydates and Tigranes. &c. 

After this maner is a narracyon in the oracion that Haniball 
made to Scipio / & is conteined in the .x. boke of the .iii. decade of 
Liuius / ryght proper and elegant without any preface 2 beginning 
his narracio/z thus. HP 

If it hathe ben ordeined by my fortune and defteny that I whiche 
fyrfte of all the Carthaginois began warre with the Romayns / and 
whiche haue almofte had the victory fo often in myne ha/zdes / 
fhuld now come of myne owne mynde to afke peace. I am glad 
that fortune hathe prepared that I f hulde afke it of you fpecially. 
And amonge all your noble la/zdes 3 this fhall not be one of the lefte 4 
that Hanibal gaue ouer to you / to whom the goddes had gyuen 

1 B. deliberatiues. 3 Sic in A and B,for laudes. 

2 B. preface 4 B. leeft. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 69 

afore the vyctorye ouer lb many capitains of the Romaynes / and 
that 1 it was your lucke to make an ende of this warre / in the whiche 
the Romayns haue had ferre mo euyl chau#ces than we of Cartha- 
gene. And whether it were my deftene or chaunce that ought me 
this fkornefull fhame. I whiche began the warre whan your father 
was Confull and after ioyned batayle with him whan he was made 
Capitayne of the Romayns army / mufte nowe come vnarmed 
[D iii a] to his fon to ai'ke peace of hym. It had ben befte for 
bothe parties if it had pleated the goddes to haue lent our fore faders 
that mynde / that you of Rome wolde have ben content with the 
Empyre of Italy /& we Caraginoys 2 with Affryke. For neyther 
Sifil 3 nor Sardynya can be any fuffycient ame«des to eyther of vs 
for lb many naueis lb many armies / fo many and fo excellent capi- 
taines lolte in our warres betwene vs, but thynges palled / may 
loner be blamed tha;z mended, we of Cartagene 4 (as touching 
our parte) haue fo coueted other dominion that at lengthe we 
had bufines ynough to defende our poffeffions. Nor the war 
hathe nat bene only with you in Italy or with vs onely in Affryke : 
but at the pleafure of fortune fometyme here and fome there / in lb 
muche that you my maifters of Rome haue fene the ftanderdes 
and armes of your enemyes harde at your walles and gates of the 
citie. And we on the other fyde haue herde the noyfe out of your 
camps 5 into our citie. 

After the narracyon ought to folowe immadiately the propofy- 
cyon of our councell or aduife. As after the narracio/z of Haniball 
afore reherced / foloweth the propolycyon of his purpole thus. 

[D iii b] That thynge is nowe entreated while fortune is fauor- 
able vnto you / thai we ought mofte to abhorre / and you furely 
ought aboue all thynges to defyre / that is to haue peace. And it 
is mofte for the profyte of vs two / whiche haue the mater in hand- 
elynge that peace be had. And lure we be / that what fo euer we 
agre vpo/z our cities wyll ratyfye the fame. 

Nexte foloweth the confirmation of tho thygnes that we 
e«tende to perfuade / whiche muft be fet out of the places of 
honifty / profyte / eafyn<?^ / of 6 difficulty. As if we wyll perfuade 
any thynge to be done / we fhall fhewe that it is nat onely honeft 

1 B. than. *B. Carthagene. 

2 B. Carthaginoys. 5 B. campe. 

3B. Sicil. 6 B. eafines/or. 



70 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

and laudable : but all fo profytable and eafy ynough to perfourme. 
Or if we can nat chofe but graunte that it is harde / yet we f hall 
fhew that it is fo honefte a dede / fo worthy prayfe and befydes fo 
great commodity wyll come therof / that the hardenes ought in no 
wyfe to fere vs : but rather be as an inftigacyon to take the thynge 
on hande / remembrynge the greke pr<?uerbe. Scisnola ta nala / that 
is to fay / all excellent and commendable thynges be harde and of 
dyffyculty. 

In honefty are comprehended all vertues / as wyfedome / iuftice 
/ due loue to god / and to our parentes / lyberality / pyty T / con- 
ftance / temperance. And therfore he that wyll for [D iiii a] the 
confyrming of his purpofe declare and proue that it is honeft and 
commendable that he e/ztendeth to perfuade hym : behoueth to haue 
perfyte knowlege of the natures of vertues. And all fo to haue 
in redy remembraunce fentences bothe of fcripture and of philofophy 
/ as oratours and poetes / and befyde thefe / examples of hiftoryes 
/ for garnyffhynge of his maters. 

As concernynge the place of vtilite / we must in all caufes loke 
if we may haue any argumentes wherby we may proue that our 
councell is of fuche neceffity / that it can nat be chofen but they 
muft nedes folowe it / for tho 2 argumentes be of ferre greater 
ftrengthe than they that do but onely proue the vtilitie of the 
mater. But if we can haue no fuche neceffary reafons / than we 
mufte ferche out argumentes to proue our mynde to be profytable 
by circuz/zftances of the caufe. In lyke maner to perfuade a thynge 
by the eaf ines therof / or diffuade it by the difficulty of the thynge / 
we mufte haue refpect to poffibiliti or impoffibilite / for thefe 
proues are of ftrenger nature than the other / and he that wyll 
fhewe that a thynge may be done eafely: muft prefuppofe the 
poffibilete therof. As he on the other fyde that wyll perfuade a 
thynge nat to be done / yf he fhewe and manyfefte that it is 
[D iiii b] impoffible / argueth more ftrongely than if he could but 
only proue difficulty in it. For as I fayd afore 3 many thynge of 
difficulty yet may be the rather to be taken in 4 hande / that they may 
get them that acheuethem the greater fame and prayfe. And thefe 
argumentes be fet out of the circumftances of the caufe / that is to 
faye / the tyme / the place / the doers / the thyng it felfe / the 

1 B. pity. 3 B. omits afore. 

2 A and B. tho. 4 B. on. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 7 I 

meanes whereby it fhulde be done /the caufes wherefore it fhulde 
be done or nat / the helpes or impedimentes that may be therin. 
In this purpofe examples of hiftories are of great effycacy. 

The confutacyon is the foylynge and refellynge of other mennes 
fayenges that haue or myght be brought agaynfte our purpofe / 
wherefore it confyfteth in places contrary to the places of confyr- 
macyon / as in prouynge the fayenge 1 of the contrary part / neyther to 
be honefte nor profytable /nor ealy to perfourme / or els vtterly 
impoffyble. 

The co/zclufyon ltandeth in two things 2 / that is to faye / a 
bryefe and compendioufe repetynge of all our reafons that we haue 
brought for vs afore / and in mouyng of affectyons. And fo dothe 
Ulyffes conclude his oracyon in the .xiii. boke of Ouide Meta- 
morphofy. 

[D v a] Of the thyrde kynde of oracyons / called Judiciall. 

Oracyons iudiciall be that longe to controuerfies in the lawe and 
plees / whiche kynde of oracion in old tyme longed onely to 
Judged and men of lawe / but nowe for the more parte it is neglecte 
of them / though there be nothynge more neceffarye to quicker the^z 
in crafty & wyfe ha/zdeling of theyr maters. 

In thele oracions the fyrfte is to fynde out the ftate of the 
caufe / whiche is a fhort prepoficion 3 / conteynynge the hole effect 
of all the controuerfies. As in the oracion of Tully / made for 
Mylo / of the whiche I made mencyon in the begynnynge of my 
boke. The ftate of the caufe is this. Mylo flewe Clodius lawfully / 
whyche thynge his aduerfaries denyed / and yf Tully can proue it/ 
the plee is wonne. Here muft be borne away that there be thre 
maner of ftates in fuche oracyons. 

The fyrfte is called coniecturall. The fecond legitime. The 
thyrde / iudiciall / and euery of thefe hathe his owne proper places 
to fet out argumentes of them, wherfore they fhall be fpoken of 
feuerally. And fyrfte we wyll treate of ftate coniecturall / whiche 
is vfed whan we be certayne that the dede is done /but we be 
ignorant who [D v b] dyd it / and yet by certayne coniectures 
we haue one fufpecte / that of very lykelyhode it fhulde be he 
that hathe commytted the cryme. And therfore this ftate is 
called coniecturall / bycaufe we have no manyfefte profe / but 

1 B. fayenges. 2 B. thynges. 3 B. propoficion. 



72 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

all onely great lykelyhodes / or as the Rhetoriciens call the^2 / 
conieetures. 

Example. 

There was a great contencion in the Grekes army afore Troye 
betwene Uliffes and Aiax / after the dethe of Achelles / whiche of 
them fhulde haue his armour as nexte to the fayd Achilles in 
valiauntnes. In whiche co/ztrouerfye wha?z the Grekes hadde 
judged the fayde armour vnto Uliffes / Aiax for very great difdayne 
fel out of his mynde / and fhortly after in a wode nygh to the 
hofte / after he had knowen (whan he cam agayne to him felfe) what 
folyffhe prankes he had played in the tyme of his phrenefy / for 
forow and fhame he flewe hym felfe. Sone vpon this dede cam 
Uliffes by / whiche feynge Aiax thruft thrughe with a fwerde : cam 
to hym, and as he was about to put out the fwerd / the frendes of 
Aiax chaunced to come the fame way/ which feying theyr fre«de 
deade / and his olde enemy pullynge out a fwerde of his body / 
they accufed hym of murder. 

[D vi a] In very dede here was no profe. For of truthe 
Uliffes was nat gylty in the caufe. Neuer theles the enuye that was 
betwene Aiax and hym : made the mater to be nat a lytle 1 
fufpecte / fpecyally for that he was fou;/de there with the fayd 
Aiax alone / wherefore the ftate of the plee was co/ziectural / 
whether Uliffes flewe Aiax or nat. 

The Preface. 

The preface is here euyn as it is in other oracions. For we 
begyn accordynge to t/ze nature of the caufe that we haue on hande / 
either in blamyng our aduerfary / or els mouying the herers to haue 
pity on our client. Or els we begyn at our owne p^rfon / or at the 
praife of the Juge. &c. 

The narracion. 

The narracio« or tale is the f hewynge of the dede in maner of 
an hiftorye / wherin the accufer mufte craftly enterme;/gle many 
fufpicyons which fhall feme to make his mater prouable. As Tulli 
in his oracion for Milo / where in his narracyon he intendeth by 
certayne conieetures to fhewe that Clodius laye in wayte for Milo / 
he in his fayde narracyon handelethe that place thus. 

1 So B. ; A. lytlye. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 73 

In the meane ieafon wha# Clodius had knowledge that Milo 
had a lawfull and neceffary iourney to the city of x Lauine the 
[D vi b] .xiii. day afore the kalendes of Marche / to poynte who 
fhuld be hed prefte there / whiche thyng longed to Milo becaufe he 
was dictatour of that towne : Clodi^ fodaynely the day afore 
departed out of Rome to let vpon Milo in a lordefhyp of his owne/ 
as after was wel p^rceyued. And fuche haf te he made to be goynge 
that where as the people were gadered the fame day for maters 
wherin alio he had greate ado hymfelfe / & very neceffary it had 
bene for hym to haue bene there / yet this natwithftandyng / al other 
thynges aparte : he went his way / which you may be lure he wold 
neuer haue done / faue onely that he had fully determined to pre- 
uent a tyme and place conuenient for his malicius ente«t afore 
Miloes comyng. 

In this pece of Tullies narracyon are entermengled fyrfte that 
Clodius knewe of Miloes goynge/ whiche makethe the mater fufpecte 
that Clodius went afore to mete with him / for this was wel knowe« 
afore that Clodizz.r bare Milo great gruge 2 & malyce. Next is 
fhewed the place where as Clodius mete 3 Milo / which alfo giueth a 
great fufpicion / for it was nygh Clodiz/J" place / where he myght 
fone take focour / & the tother was in lefte 4 affurau«ce. Thyrdly that 
he departed out of the city / what time it had bene mofte expedi- 
ent / ye and alfo [D vii a] greatly requifite for hym to haue bene 
at home. And that agayne maketh the mater fufpect / for furely he 
wolde nat (as Tully hym felfe fayeth) in no wyfe haue bene abfent at 
fuche a bufy tyme / onles it had bene for fome great purpofe / & 
what other fhulde it feme than to flee Milo. As furely euede^t 5 it 
was that they buckled to gyther / and this was well knowen that 
Milo had a neceffary caufe to go furth of Rome at that tyme. Con- 
traryly in Clodius coulde be perceyued none other occafyo« to 
depart than out of the citie : but of lykelyhode to lye in wayte for 
Milo. 

The propoficion. 

Out of the narracion mult be gaderyd a bryfe fentence / wherein 
fhall ftande the hole pithe of the caufe / for Rhetoricie/zs put incon- 
tinent after the narracyon diuifyon / whiche is a part of conten- 

1 Of added in B. 3 B. met. 

2 B. grudge. <B. leeft. SB. evident. 



74 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

cyon / and dothe bryefly f hewe wherin the co/ztrouerfy dothe 
ftande / or what thynges 1 fhalbe fpoke/z of in the oracion. This 
diuifion is deuyded into feiunction and diftribucion. 

Seiunction is whan we fhewe wherin our aduerfaries and we 
agre / and what it is / wherupon we ftryue. As they that pledyd 
Clodius caufe agaynfte Milo / myght on this maner haue vfed 
feiunction. That Milo flewe Clodius : our aduerfaries can [D 
vii b] nat denaye / but whether he myght fo do lawfully or nat / is 
our controuerfy. Diftribucion is the propoficion wherein we 
declare of what thynges we wyll fpeke / of whiche yf we propofe 
howe many they be / it is called enumeracion / but yf we do nat 
expreffe the nombre / it is called expoficion. 

Example of bothe is had in the oracion that Tully made to the 
people that Pompeyus myght be made chyefe capytayne of the 
warres agaynfte Mithridates and Tigranes / where after the preface 
and narracyon he maketh his propofycyon by expofycyon thus. 

Fyrfte I thynke it expedyent to fpeke of the nature & kynde of 
this warre / and after that of the greatnes thereof / and then to 
fhewe howe an hede or chyefe capytayne of any army fhulde be 
chofen. 

Whiche lafte membre of his expofycyon he agayne diftributeth 
into foure partes thus as foloweth. 

Truley 2 this is myne opynyon / that he whiche fhall be a gou- 
erner of an hooft / ought to haue thefe foure p/^pertyes in hym. 
The fyrfte is / that he haue perfyte knowlege of all fuche thynges 
as longeth to warre. The feconde is that he be a man of his 
handes. The thyrde that he be a ma« of fuche auctority : that his 
dignity maye [D viii a] caufe his fouldiers to haue hym in reuerence 
& awe. The fourth is that he be fortunate & lucky in all thyng^j- 
that he goeth about. 

Tully in the oracion for Milo propofeth all onely fhewynge 
wherin the controuerfy of the plee dyd ftande on thys maner as 3 
follyweth. 3 

Is there any thynge els that muft be tryed & iudged in this caufe 
faue this : whether of them bothe beganne the fraye & entended to 
murder the tother ? No surely. So that yf it can be founden that 
Milo went about to diftroye Clodius / than he be punyffhed ther- 
fore accordyngly. But yf it can be proued that Clodius was the 

1 B. thinges. 2 B. Truely. 3 Added in B. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYRE 75 

begynner and layed wayte for to flee Milo / and fo was the fercher 
of his owne dethe / & that what Milo dyd it was but to defende hym 
felfe horn the treafo/z of his enyme 1 & the fauegarde of his lyfe : 
that than he may be delyuered and quyte. 2 

Of confyrmacion. 

The confyrmacyon of the accufer is fetched out of theie places / 
wyl / and power. For theie two thynges wyll caufe the perfo/z that 
is accufed to be greatly fufpecte that he had wyl to do the thyng 
that he is accufed of/ and that he myght well 3 ynoughe brynge it 
to paffe. 

To proue that he had wyll therto : you mult go to .ii. places. 
The one is the qualite [D viii b] of the perfone / and the other is 
the caufe that meuyd hym to the dede. The qualite of the per- 
fon is thus handled. For to loke what is his name or furname / 
and if it be noughty to faye that he had it nat for nothyng : but that 
nature had fuch prym power in men to make them gyue names 
accordynge to the maners of euery perfon. Than next to behold 
his contrey. So Tully in his oracion made for Lucius Flaccz/j to 
improue the wytnes that was brought agaynft hym by Grekes / 
layth vnto them the lyghtnes of theyr co/ztrey. This (fayeth Tully) do 
I faye of the hole nacion of Grekes. I graunte to them that they 
haue good lernynge / and the knowlege of many fcyences. Nor I 
denye nat but that they haue a pleafa/zt and marueyloufe fwete 
fpeche. They are alfo people of hygh and excellent quycke wytte 
and thereto they be very facundioufe. Theie and fuche other quali- 
ties wherin they boofte them felfe greatly : I wyll nat repyne agaynft 
it that they bere the mayftry therin. But as concernynge equitie 
and good confcience/ requifite / in berynge of recorde/or gyuynge 
of any wytnes / & alfo as touchynge faythfulnes of worde and prom- 
yfe : truely this nacion neuer obferued this property, neyther they 
knewe nat what is the ftrength / [E i a] auctoritye / and weyght 
therof. 

So to Englyffhmen is attributed fuzzzptuoufnes in meates and 
drynkes. To Fre/zchemen / pryde / & delyte in newe fantafyes. 
To Flemmynges and Almaynes / great drynkynge / and yet iniien- 
tyfe wyttes. To Brytayns / Gafcoignes / and Polones / larcyne. 4 

1 B. enemy. 3 a. wyll. 

2 B. quyt. 4 B. larrecine. 



76 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

To Spanyerdes / agilitye. To ytalyens / hygh wyt and muche fub- 
tylty. To Scottes / boldnes / to Iriffh men / haftines. To Boemes 
valiauntnes and tenacite of opynions. &c. 

After that to loke on his kynred / as yf his father or mother or 
other kynne were of yll difpoiicion / for as the tre is : fuche fruite 
it berethe. 

On this wyfe dothe Phillis entwyte Demophon / that his father 
Thefeus vncurteyfly and trayterouf ly lefte his loue Ariadna alone in 
the defert yle of Naxus / and contrary to his promyie ftale from her 
by nyght/ addynge. Heredem patriate] perfide fraudis agis. That 
is to faye / vntrewe & falle forfworne man / thou playeft kyndely 
thy 1 fathers heyre / in deceytable begylynge of thy true louer. 

After that we mult loke vpon the fex / whether it be man or 
woman that we accufe / to fe yf any argument can be deducte out of 
it to our purpofe. As in men is noted [E i b] audacite / women be 
comonly tymeroule. Than nexte / the age of the perfone. As in 
Therence Simo fpeketh of his ion Pamphilus / fayeth vnto his man 
called Sofia / howe couldeft thou knowe his condicions or nature 
afore / whyle his age and feare / and his mayfter dyd let it to be 
knowen. 

Hipermeftra in Ouides epistels ioyneth thefe .ii. places of fexe & 
age togyther thus. 

I am a woman and a yonge mayden / mylde and gentyll / 
bothe by nature and yeres. My fofte handes are nat apte to fyers 
batayles. 

After thefe folowe ftrength of body / or agylite / and quicknes 
of wyt / out of whiche may be brought many reafons to affyrme our 
purpofe. So Tully in his oracyon for Milo / wyllynge to proue that 
Clodius was the begynner of the fraye / fheweth that Milo (which 
was neuer wo«t but to haue men about hym) by chaunce at that 
tyme had in his company certayne Muficiens and maydens that 
wayted on his wyfe / whom he had fyttyng with hym in his wagen. 
Contraryly Clodius that was neuer wont afore but to ryde in a wagen 
& to haue his wyfe with hym : at that tyme rode furth on horfebacke. 
And where as afore he was alwayes accuftomed to haue knaues and 
quenes in his company : [E ii a] he had the« non but tal me//* with 
hym / & (as who fhulde fay) men piked out for the nones. 

To this is added forme / as to affay yf we can haue any argument 

1 B. the. 2 B. tall men. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 77 

to our purpofe out of the perfones face or countenance / and fo dothe 
Tully argue in his oracyon agaynfte Pyfo / fayenge on 1 thys 1 wyfe. 1 

Sefte 2 thou nat nowe thou befte 3 ? dofte thou nat nowe perceyue 
what is mennes co/;zplaynt on thy vyfage ? there is non that com- 
playneth that I wote nat what Surryen 4 & of theyr flocke whiche be 
but newly crepte vp to honour out of the donghyll is nowe made 
confull of the citie. For this ieruile colour hathe nat deceiued vs 
nor hery cheke balles / nor rotten and fylthy tethe /thyn 5 eyes / thy 
browes / forhed / and hole cou^tenaunce / whiche in a maner dothe 
manifeft mennes condicyons and nature / it hath diceued vs. 
This done / we muft coniyder howe he hathe bene brought vp 
that we accufe / amonge whom he hathe lyued / and whereby / howe 
he gouernethe his houfhold / & allay if we can pyke out of theie 
ought for our purpofe. Alio of what ftate he is of/ fre or bond/ 
ryche or pore / berynge offyce or nat / a man of good name / or 
otherwile / wherin he deliteth molt / whiche places do expreffe 
ma^nes lyuyng /and by his lyuynge : his wyll and mynde / as I 
[E ii b] wolde declare more fully / faue that in introductions men 
mufte labour to be fhort / & agayne they are fuche that he that hath 
any perceyuynge may lone knowe what f hall make for his purpofe / 
and howe to fet it furthe. And therfore this fhall fuffyfe as touch- 
ynge the qualitie of the perfon. 

If we bere away this for a generall rule (that what maketh for the 
accuier, euermore the contrary) is fure ftaye for the defender / yf he 
can proue it / or make it of the more lykelyhode. As Tully in 
defendynge Milo / layeth to Clodius frendes charges that he had 
none about hym but chofe^ men. And for to clere Milo he fhew- 
eth the contrary / that he had with hym fyngyng laddes and women 
feruantes that way ted on his wyfe / whiche maketh it of more likely- 
hod that Clodius wente about to flee Milo : than Milo hym. 

The caufe that moueth to the myfchefe lyeth in two thinges. In 
naturall impulfyon / and raciocinacion. 

Natural impulfion is angre / hatred / couetyie / loue /or fuche 
other affections. 

So Simo in Therence / whan he had iayd that Dauus (who;;* he 
had poynted to wayt vpon his fonne Pamphilus) wolde do all that 
myght lye in hym bothe with hande and fote/ rather to dyfpleafe hym : 

1 Omitted in B. 3B. beeft. 

3 B. feeft. * B. Surrien. S B. thyne. 



78 THE ARTE OR CRAETE OF RHETHORYKE 

then to [E iii a] pleafe Pamphilus mynde. And Sofia demaunded 
why he wolde do fo. Simo made aunfwere by raciocinacion / fay- 
enge / dofte thou afke that : mary his vngracious and vnhappy 
mynd is the caufe therof. Oenon in Ovides epiftles ioyneth 
togyther qualytte and naturall impulfyon / fayenge A iuuene et 
Cupido credatur reddita virgo ? whiche is in Englyffhe. Thynke you 
that fhe that was caried awaye of a yonge ma/? / and hote in loue / 
was reftored agayne a mayde ? 

Tully in the oracion for Milo / amonge other argume#tes bryng- 
etn in one againft Clodius by naturall impulfion of hatred / fhew- 
ynge that Clodius had caufe to hate Milo fyrft / for he was one 
of them that laboured for the fame Tullyes reuocacyon from exyle / 
whiche Tulli Clodius malicioufly hated. Agayne that Milo oppref- 
fyd many of his furioufe purpofes. And fynally bycaufe the fayd 
Milo accufed hym and cafte hym afore the Senate and people of 
Rome. 

Raciocinacio;? is that cometh of hope of any commodity / or to 
efchewe any difcommodity. As Tully argueth in his oracion for 
Milo agaynft Clodius by raciocinacion to proue that it was he that 
laide wayt for Milo on this maner. 

[E iii b] It is fufficient to proue that this cruel and wicked befte r 
had a great caufe to flee Milo / yf he wolde brynge his maters that 
he we;zt aboute to paffe / and great hope if he were ones gone / nat 
to be letted in his pretenced malyce. 

After raciocinacion folowyth comprobacion / to fhewe that no 
man els had any caufe to go there about / faue he whome we 
accaufe* / nor no profyte coulde come to no man thereof: faue 
to hym. 

Thefe are the wayes whereby an oratour shal proue that the 
p<?Hbne accufed had wyl to the thynge that is layde to his charge. 

To proue that he might do it ; ye muft go to the circumftance 
of the caufe / as that he had lyefer 3 ynough thereto and place con- 
uenient and ftrength withall. 

Alfo you fhall proue it by fygnes / which are of merueyloufe 
efficacye in this behalfe / wherfore here mufte be noted that fygnes 
be eyther wordes or dedes that eyther dyd go before or els folowe 
the dede. As Tully in his oracion nowe often alledged argueth 
agaynft Clodi^j" by fygnes goyng afore the dede / as that Clodius 

1 B. beefte. 2 B. accufe. 3 B. leyfer. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 79 

sayd thre days afore Milo was flayne : that he f hulde nat lyue 
thre 1 dayes to an ende. And that he went out of the city a lytle 
afore Milo rode furthe with a greate company of ftronge [E iiii a] 
and myfcheuous knaves. 

Signes folowynge are as yf after the dede was done he fled / or 
els whan it was laved to his charge: he bluff hed or waxed pale / or 
ftutted and coulde nat well fpeke. 

The contrary places (as I fayd afore) long to the defender / faue 
that in fignes he mult vfe .ii. thinges / abfolutio/2 and inuencio/z. 2 

Abfolucyon is wherby the defendour fheweth that it is laufull 
for hym to do that what the aduerfary bryngeth in for a figne of his 
malyce. 

Example. 

A man is founde coueryng of a dede body / and therupon 
accufed of murder /he may anfwere that it is laufull to do lb for the 
preferuacyon of his body fro;/z rauons and other that wold deuoure 
hym / tyll tyme he had warned people to fetche & bury hym. 

Inuencion 3 is wherby we f hewe that the figne whiche is brought 
agaynfte vs : maketh for vs. As I wolde nat haue taryed to couer 
hym yf I had done the dede my felfe : but haue fled and fhronke 
afyde into fome other way for feare of takynge. 

Of the concluiion. 

The coTzclufio/? is as I haue fayd afore in 4 briefe repetynge of 
the effecte of our reafons / & in mouynge the Judges to our 
[E iv b] purpofe. The accufer to punyffhe the person 5 accufed. 
The defender / to moue him to pity. 

Of the ftate iuridiciall / and 
the handelynge therof. 

As ftate coniecturall cometh out of this queftyon (who dyd the 
dede) fo whan there is no dout 6 but that the dede is done / and 
who dyd it / many tymes controuerfy is had / whether it hathe bene 
done laufully or nat. And this ftate is negociall or iuridiciall / 

1 From B. In A. he that shulde lyue thre dayes. 

2 B. Invercio^ ; Lat., inversionem. 

3 B. inuercion. 5 B. perfone. 

4 in added r rom B. 6 B. doubt. 



8o THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

whiche conteyneth the ryght or wronge of the dede. As in the ora- 
cion of Tully for Milo / the ftate is iuridiciall / for ope« it was that 
Clodius was flayn / and that Milo flewe hym / but whether he kylled 
hym laufully or nat : is the co/ztrouerfy & ftate of the caufe / as I 
haue afore declared. 

The preamble and narracion as afore. 

The connrmacion hath certayn places appropred thereto / but 
here mufte be marked that ftate negocyall is double / abfolute / and 
affumptyue. 

State negociall abfolute is whan the thynge that is in controuerfy 
is abfolutely defended to be laufully done. As in the oracio// of 
Tully for Milo / the dede is ftyfly affirmed to be laufully done in 
fleyng Clodius / feynge that Milo dyd it in his owne [E v a] 
defence / for the lawe permitted to repell violence violently. 

The places of confirmacyon in ftate abfolute are thefe / nature / 
lawe / cuftome / equity or reafon / iugeme;zt / neceffity / bargayne 
or couenawt. Of the whiche places Tully in his oracio/z for Milo 
bri^geth in the more parte to gyther in a clutter on this maner. 

If reafon hath prefcrybed this to lerned and wyfe men / and necef- 
fity hathe dryuen it into barbours and rude folke / & cuftome kepeth 
it among all nacions/and nature hathe planted it in bruyte beftes 1 / 
that euery creature fhulde defe/zde hym felfe and faue his lyfe and 
his body from all violence by any maner of focour / what meanes or 
way lb euer it were. You ca^ nat iuge this dede euyll done / except 
you wyll iudge that whan men mete with theuys or murderers / they 
mufte eyther be flayne by the wepons of fuche vnthryfty and maly- 
cious perfones : eyther els peryffhe by your fentence gyuen in iudge- 
ment vpon them. 

State affumptyue is whan the defence is feble of it felfe / but 
yet it may be holpen by fome other thynge added to it. And the 
places longynge to this ftate are grauntynge of the faute / remou- 
yng of the faute / or (as we fay in our tongue) layeng it from vs to 
an other / & tra;/flatynge of the faute. 

[E v b] Grau;/tyng of the faute is whan the perfon accufed 
denieth nat the dede / but yet he defyreth to be forgyuen / & it 
hath .ii. places mo annexyd to it / purgacion & deprecacio//. 

Purgacion is whan he fayeth he dyd it nat malicioufly : but by 

1 B. bruite beeftes. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 81 

ignorance or mifhap whiche place Cato vfeth ironioufly in Saluit / 
thus : My mynde is that ye haue pity with you / for they that 
haue done amyffe be but very yonge men / & defyre of honour 
draue them to it. 

Deprecacio/z is wha/z we haue non excufe : but we call vpon the 
Juftices mercy. The handelynge wherof Tully wryteth in his 
boke of inuencion thus. 

He that laboreth to be forgyue// of his faut / muft reherce (yf 
he can) fome benefytes of his / done afore tyme / and fhewe tha 
they be farre greater in theyr nature than is the cryme that he 
hathe commytted / fo that (how be it he hath done greatly amyffe) 
yet the goodes 1 of his fore merites are farre bygger / and fo may 
wel oppreffe this one faut. Nexte after that it behoueth hym to 
haue refuge to the merytes of his elders / yf there be any / and to 
open them. That done / he muft retourne to the place of purga- 
cion / and fhewe that he dyd nat the dede for any hate or malyce / 
but either by folyffhness/ or els by the entifement [E vi a] of fome 
other / or for fome prouable caufe. And the« promife faithfully that 
this faut fhall teche hym to beware irom thens forth and alfo that 
theyr benefytes that forgyue hym f hal bynde hym affuredly neuer to 
do fo more / but perpetually to abhorre any fuche offence / and 
with that to fhewe some great hope ones to make them a great 
reco/zzpence & pleafure therfore agayne. After this let hym (yf 
he can) declare fome kynred betwene them & hym / or frendf hyp of 
his elders / & amplifye the greatenes of his feruice & good harte 
towarde them / yf it fhall pleafe them to forgiue this faut / & 
adde the nobylity of them that would fayne haue hym delyuered. 
And than he fhall foberly declare his owne vertues & fuche thynges 
as be in hym perteynynge to honefte and prayfe / that he may by 
thefe meanes feme rather worthy to be auaunced in honour for his 
good qualities / than to be punifhed for his fall. 

This done / let hym reherse fome other that haue be forgyuen 
greater fautes then this is. It fhall alfo greatly auayle yf he can 
fhewe that he hath in tyme afore ben in auctoritie and bare a 
rule ouer other / in the whiche he was neuer but gentyll and glad 
to forgyue them that had offended vnderneth hym. And then let 
hym extenuate [E vi b] his own faute / and fhewe that there 
folowed nat fo great damage therof / and that but lytle profyte or 

1 B. goodnes. 



52 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

honefty wyll folowe of his puniff hment. And finally then by comon 
places to moue the iudge to mercy & pytie vpon hym. 

The aduerfary muft (as I haue fhewed afore) vfe for his purpofe 
contrary places. 

Some Rhetoriciens put no mo places of deprecacion than only 
this that is here laft reherced of Tulli / that is to do our belt to 
moue the iuftice to mercy and pity. 

Remocion of the faute is whan we put it from vs and lay it to 
another. 

Example. 

The Venecians haue commaunded certayne to go in ambaffade 
to Englande/ and therupon appointed the^ what they fhal haue to 
bere their charges / whiche money affigned : they can nat get of 
the treafourer : At the daye appoynted they go nat / wherupon they 
are accufed to the Senate. Here they muft ley the faut from them 
to the treafourer / which difpatched them nat accordyng/ as it 
was ordeyned that he fhulde. 

Tra^flacion of the faut is / whan ^ he that co/zfeffeth his faut 
fayeth that he dyd it : moued by the indignacion of the malycyoufe 
dede of an other. 

[E vii a] Example. 

Kynge Agamenno/z / whiche was chief capitayne of the Grekes 
at the fiege of Troye / whan he cam home was flayne of Egiftus by 
the treafon of Cliteneftra his owne wyfe / whiche murder his fo«ne 
Oreftes feynge / whan he cam to mannes ftate / reuenged his 
fathers deathe on his mother/and f lewe her/wherupon he was accufed. 
Here Oreftes can nat deny but he flewe his mother : but he layeth- 
for hym that his mothers abhominable iniury conftrayned him 
thereto / bycaufe fhe flewe his father. 

And this is the handelynge of confyrmacyon in ftate affumptiue. 

The conclufions in thefe oracyons are lyke to the conclufions of 
other. 

Of ftate legitime / and the 
handelynge therof. 

State legitime is whan the controuerfy ftandeth in definicyon 
or contrary lawes / or doutful wrytynges / or racyocynacyon / or 
tranflacyon. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 83 

Of definition. 

Definition (as Tully wryteth) is wha^ in any wrytynge is fome 
worde put / the fignificacio/z wherof reqz/zreth expoficio^. 

[E vii b] Example. 

A lawe maye be made that fuche as foriake a fhyppe in tyme of 
tempeft fhulde lefe theyr ryght that they haue / eyther in the fhyppe 
or in any goodes within the fame veffell / & that they f hall haue the 
lhyp & the goodes that abyde ftyll in her. 

It chau/zced .ii. men to be in a lytle crayer/of the whiche veffell 
the one man was both owner and gouernour / and the other poffef- 
four of the goodes. And as they were in the mayne fee / they 
efpied one that was fwymmynge in the fee / and as well as he coulde 
holdyng vp his handes to them for focour / wherupo/z they (beyng 
moued wittr pytie) made towarde hym / & toke hym vp. Within a 
lytle after arofe a greate tempeft vpon them / and put them in fuche 
ieopardy that the owner of the fhyp (which was alfo gouernour) 
lepte out of the fhyp into the fhyp bote / & with the rope that tyed 
the bote to the fhyp : he gouerned the fhyp as well as he colde. 
The marchant that was within the fhyp / for great difpayre of the 
loffe of his good^r / wyllyng to flee hym felfe : threft hymfelfe in 
with his owne fworde / but as it chaunced the wounde was neyther 
mortall nor very greuoufe / but natwithftandynge for that tyme he 
was vnable to do any good in helpyng the fhyp agaynft the impet- 
uoufnes of the ftorme. The thyrde [E viii a] man (whiche nat longe 
afore had fuffered fhypwracke) gate hym to the fterne : and holpe 
the veffell the beft that laye in hym. 

At length the ftorme feaced / and the fhyp came iafe into the 
hauen / bote and all. He that was hurt (by helpe of Chirurgiens) 
recouered anon. Nowe euery of thefe thre chalenge the fhyp & 
goodes as his owne. Here euery man layeth for hym the lawe 
aboue reherced, and all theyr controuerfy lyeth in the expoundynge 
of thre wordes / abydynge in the fhyp / and forfakynge the fhyp / 
and what we fhal in fuch cafe cal the fhyp / whether the bote as 
part of the fhyp : or els the fhyp it felfe alone. 

The handelynge hereof is. Fyrft in few wordes and plaine to 
declare the fignificacion of the worde to our purpofe / and after 
fuche maner as may feme refonable to the audience. Nexte / after 



84 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

suche expoficion to declare and proue the fayd expoficion true / 
with as many argumentes as we can. 

Thyrdely to ioyne our dede with the expoficion / & to fhew that 
we onely dyd obferue the very entent of the lawe. Than to refell 
the expoficion of our aduerfaries / & to fhew that theyr expoficion 
is contrary to reafon and equitie / and that no wyfe man wyll fo 
take the law as they expounde it /and that the expoficion is neither 
honeft nor profytable / [E viii b] and to confter theyr expoficion 
with oures / and to fhew that oures conteyneth the veritie and 
theyrs is falce. Oures honeft / reafonable / & profitable : Theyrs 
clene contrarye. And then ferche out lyke examples / either of 
greater maters or of leffe / or els of egall maters / and to man if eft 
by thenz / that our mynde is the very truthe. 

Contrary lawes are where the tone femeth euidently to contrarye 
the other. As yf a law were that he whom his father hath forfaken 
for his fonne / fhall in no wyfe haue any porcion of his fathers 
goodes. And an other lawe / that who fo euer in tyme of tempeft 
abydeth in the fhyp : fhall haue the fhyp and goodes. Then pofe 
that one whiche was of his father fo abiecte & denyed for his 
chylde : was in a fhyp of his fathers in tyme of fore wether / and 
whan al other for feare of lefynge themfelfe forfoke the fhyp and 
gate them into the bote : he onely abode / and by chaunce was fafe 
brought into the hauen / wherupon he chalengeth the veffel for his 
/where as the party defendant wyll lay agaynft hym that he is abdi- 
cate or forfaken of his father / and fo can nat by the lawe haue any 
parte of his goodes. Here muft he fay agayn for hym that this law 
alleged doth all only priuate ixom theyr fathers goodes fuche as be 
abdicate & yet [F i a] wolde chalenge a part as his children / but 
that he doth nat fo / but requireth to haue the fhyp / nat as a fon 
to his father : but as any other ftraunger myght / feyng the law 
gyueth hym the fhyp that abydeth in her in tyme of neceff ity. And 
fo the handelyng of this ftate / eyther to deny one of f/ie lawes and 
fhewe that it 1 hathe bene afore anulled / or els to expounde it 
after the fence that is mete to our purpofe. 

Doubtful wrytynge is where either the mynde of the author 
femeth to be contrary to that that is wryten / which fom call wryt- 
ynge & fentence / or els it is whan the wordes may be expounded 
dyuers wayes. 

1 B. inserts it. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 85 

Example of the fyrft. 

Men fay it is a law in Caleys that no ftraunger may go vppon 
the towne walles on payne of dethe. Now then pofe that in tyme 
of warre the towne beynge harde belieged / an alien dwellynge in 
the towne getteth hym to the walles amonge the fouldiers / & doth 
more good than any one man agayn. Now after the fiege ended 
he is accufed for tranfgreffyng of the lawe / which in wordes is eui- 
dently againft him. But here the defendaunt muft declare the 
wryters mynde by circumftaunces / what ftraunger he dyd forbyd / 
and what tyme / and after what maner / and in what intent [F i b] 
he wolde nat haue any ftraunger to come on the walles / & in 
what intent his mynde might be vnderftanden to fuffre an alien to 
go vpon the walles. And here muft the effecte of the ftraungers 
wyl be declared / that he went vp to defend the towne to put back 
their enemies. And therto he muft fay that the maker was nat fo 
vndifcrete & vnreafonable that he wolde haue no maner of excep- 
cion which fhuld be to the welth / pr^fite / or preferuacion of the 
towne. For he that wyl nat haue the law to be vnderftanden accor- 
dyng to equitie / good maner / & nature / entendeth to prouve the 
maker therof either an vniuft man / or folyffhe or enuioufe. 

The accufer contraryly fhall prayfe the maker of the law for his 
great wifdom / for his playne writyng without any maner of ambi- 
guity / that no ftraunger fhulde p/rfume to go vpon the walles / & 
reherce the lawe word for worde / & than f hew fonze x reafonable 
caufe that mouyd the maker of tht law that he wolde vtterly that no 
ftraunger fhuld afcend the walles. &c. Example of the fecond. 

A man in his teftament gyueth to two yonge doughters that he 
hathe two hundred f hepe / to be delyuered at the day of theyr mar- 
yage / on this maner. l^T* I wyll that myne executoures fhall 
gyue to my doughters at the tyme of theyr maryage [F ii a] euery 
of them an hundred fhepe / fuche as they wyll. At the tyme of 
maryage they demaunde theyr cattell / whiche the executours deliuer 
nat of fuche fort as the maydens wold / wherupon the controuerfy 
arifeth. For the executours fay they are bounde to delyuer to euery 
of them an hundred fhepe / fuche as they that be the executours 
wyll. Now here ftandeth the dout / to whom we fhall referre this 
worde they / to the doughters / or to the executours. 

1 B. fom. 



86 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

The maydens fay nay thereto / but that it was theyr fathers 
mynde that' they fhulde haue euery of them an .C. fhepe / fuche as 
they that be the doughters wyll. 

The handelyng of doutfull wrytyng is to fhew yf it be poffible 
that it is nat wryte/z doutfully by caufe it is the como^ maner to 
take it after as we fay / & that it may fone be knowen by fuche 
wordes as partely go before that claufe & partly folow / & that 
there be few wordes / but if they be confidered fo alone / they may 
anon be taken doubtfully. And firft we f hal f hewe if we can that it 
is nat doubtfully wryten / for there is no reafonable man : but he 
wyl take it as we fay. 

Than fhall we declare by that that goeth afore / & foloweth / 
that it is clerly euyn as we fay / & that yf we conf ider the wordes of 
the^2 felfe they wyl feme to be of ambiguite [F ii b] but feyng 
they may by the reft of the writing be euident ynough / they ought 
nat to be taken as doubtfull. And then fhew that yf it had ben his 
minde that made the writyng to haue it taken as the aduerfarye fay- 
eth : he neded nat to haue wryten any fuch wordes. As in the exam- 
ple now put / the maydens may fay that yf it had bene theyr fathers 
mynde that the executours fhulde haue delyuered fuche fhepe as it 
had pleafed them to delyuer : he neded nat to haue added thefe 
wordes fuch as they wyll. For yf they had nat ben put / it wolde 
nat haue bene dought but that the executers 1 delyuerynge euery of 
hem an hundred fhepe (whatfoeuer they were) had fulfylied the 
wyll /and could haue ben no further compelled/ wherfore if his 
mynde was as they fay / it was a great folye to put in tho wordes 
whiche made a playne mater to be vnplaine. And than finally fhew 
it is more honelt and conuenient to expounde it as we fay : then as 
our aduerfaryes do. 

Raciocinacion is whan the mater is in controuerfy / wherupon 
no law is decreed / but yet the iugement therof may be fou^de out 
by lawes made vpon maters fomdele refemblynge thereunto. 

As in Rome was this law made/ that yf any perfone were dif- 
traught / his poffeffyons [F iii a] and goodes fhulde come to the 
handes of his next kynne. 

And an other law / what any houfeholder dothe orden* and make 
as concernynge his houfeholde and other goodes / it is approbate 
and confirmed by the lawe. And' an other law / if any houfeholder 

1 B. executours. 3 B. ordeyn. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 87 

dye inteftate / his monye & other goodes fhall remayne to his next 
kyn. It chaunced one to kyll his owne mother / wherupon he was 
taken and condempned to deathe / but whyle he lay in pryfon / cer- 
tayne of his familiare fre/zdes cam thyther to hym / and brought 
with them a clerke to wryte his teftament / whiche he there made / 
& made fuche executours as it pleafed hym. After his deth his 
kynnefme/z chale;zge his goodes, his executours fay them nay / 
wherupon aryfeth controuerfy afore the iuftice. 

There is no lawe made vpon this cafe / whether he that hathe 
kylled his mother may make any tef tame;zt or nat / but it may be 
reafoned on bothe p^rtyes by the lawes aboue reherfed. The kynf- 
men fhall allege the lawe made for thes^z that be out of theyr 
myndes / prefuppofynge hym nat to be in muche other cafe / or els 
he wolde nat haue done the dede. The contrary parte f hal allege 
the other lawe / and f hewe that it was none alienacion of mynde : 
but fome other [F iii b] caufe that moued hym to it / and that he 
hathe had his punyffhment therfore / which he fhulde nat haue fuf- 
fred of co?zuenient if he had bene befyde hym felfe. 

Tranf lacion is whiche the lawyers cal excepcion / as yf a per- 
fon accufed pleade that it is nat lawfull for the tother to accufe hym / 
or that the Juge can be no iuge in that caufe. &c. 

The conclufion of the Author. 

Thefe are my fpeciall and finguler goode Lorde whiche I haue 
purpofed to wryte as touchyng the cheyf poynt of //ze .iiii. that I fayd 
in the begynnyng to long to a Rhetoricien / and which is more dif- 
ficulty tha/z the other .iii. fo that it ones had/ there is no very great 
mayftry to come by the refydue. Natwithf tandynge yf I fe that it 
be fyrft acceptable to your good lordfhip in whom nexte god and 
his holy faintes I haue put my chyef confidence and truft / and 
after that yf I fynde that it feme to the reders a thyng worthy to be 
loked on /and that your lordfhyp and they thynke nat my labour 
take« in vayne : I will affay my felfe in the other partes / and 
fo make and accoz/zplyffhe the hole werke. But nowe I haue 
folowed the facion of Tully / who made a feuerall werke^of inuen- 
cion. And [F iv a] though many thynges be left out of this trea- 
tyfe that ought to be fpoken of /yet I fuppofe that this fhall be 
fufficyent for an introductyo/z to yonge begynners / for who;zz all 
onely this boke is made. For other that bene entred all redy f hal 
haue lytle nede of my labour /but they may feke more meter 



88 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

thynges for theyr purpofe / either in Hermogines among the 
Grekes / or els Tully or Trapefonce / among the Latines. And to 
them that be yonge begynners nothynge can be to playne or to 
f hort / wherfore Horace \n his boke of the craft of Poetry fayeth 
Quicquid prczcipies efto breuis vt cito dicta 
Percipia?it animi dociles teneantque fiddes. 
what fo euer ye wyll teache (fayth he) be brief therin / that the 
myndes of the herers or reders may the eafiyer perceyue it / and 
the better bere it away. And the Emperour Juftinian fayeth in the 
fyrfte boke of his inftitucions in the paragraph of iuftice and right / 
that ouer great curiofity in the fyrf t principles / make hym that is 
ftudioufe of the facultie either to foriake it or els to attayne it with 
very great and tedyoufe labour / and many tymes with great difpayre 
to com to the ende of his purpofe. And for this caufe I haue bene 
ferre leffe curioufe then I wolde els haue ben /and alfo a great dele 
the f horter. If this my labour [F iv b] may pleafe your lordf hyp / 
it is the thynge that I do in it mof te defyre / but yf it feme bothe to 
you & other a thyng that is very rude and f kant worthe the lokynge 
on : yet Aristotles wordes fhal comfort fme / who fayeth that men 
be nat onlye bounde to good autours 1 : but alfo to bad / bicaufe that 
by their wrytyng they haue pr<?uoked cu/mynger me// to take the 
mater on hande / which wolde els peraduenture haue helde theyr 
peace. Truely there is nothyng that I wolde be more gladder of/ 
tha/z if it might chau/zce me on this maner to caufe them that be of 
moch better lernynge & excercife in this arte tha/z I, of whom I am 
uery lure that this realme hath great plenty / that they wolde fet the 
pe/me to the paper / & by their i/zduftry obfcure my rude igno- 
rau/zce. In //ze meane fpace I befeche the reders / yf they fynde any 
thynge therin that may do them any pr^fyte / that they gyue the 
thankes to god and to your lordf hyp / and that they wyll of theyr 
charitie pray vnto the bleffyd Trinite for me/ that whan it fhall 
pleafe the godhed to take me from this tra/zf itory lyfe / I may by 
his mercy be of the nombre of his electe to perpetuall faluacyon. 

Imprinted at London in Fleteftrete 2 / by me Robert Redman / 
dwellyng 3 at 3 the 3 fygne 3 of 3 the 3 George. 3 4 Cum priuilegio. 

J B. authors. 

3 Added in B — by faynt Dunf tones chyrche at the iygne of the George. 

3 Omitted in B. 

4 Added in B. — The yere of ourlorde god a thoufande, fyue hundred and two 
and thyrty. 



MELANCHTHON'S 
INSTITVTIONES RHETORICS 

[The Portion on Invention.] 



EXTRACT FROM MELANCHTHON'S "INSTITVTIONES 
RHETORICS." 

(The Portion on Invention.) 
[Sig. a ii recto] : elementa rhetorices. 

Partes differentium funt, inuenire, iudicare, difponere, & eloqui. 
Difficillimum eft inuenire quid dicas, quare de inuentione plurima 
funt a rhetoribus tradita. 

Inventionem loci quidam continent, qui indicant de quouis 
themate, quid dicas, non inuenitur thema, fed propofito themate, 
inueniuntur loci, quibus ipfum uel muniatur, uel ornetur, ut propofito 
themate, Clodius iure caefus eft, Rhetor e locis fuis argumenta petit 
confirmandi thematis. Quare de thematum differentia dicen- 
dum eft. 

Sicut cauffarum ita thematum genera quatuor funt. Dialecticum, 
demonftratiuum, deliberatiuum, iudiciale. 

Dialecticvm Thema eft aut fimplex, ut pietas, aut compofitum, ut 
pietas eft Iufticia. 

Eft autem dialecticum genus, certa qusedam & fimplex docendi 
ratio, qua rerum naturae, cauffae, partes & ofhcia certis quibufdam 
legibus inquiruntur, ut exacte & proprie nihil cognofci queat, niii 
dialecticis organis aftrictum. Eft enim obferuatio quaedam naturae, 
qua in quauis re ipfa hominum ratio confyderat, quid prius, quid 
pofterius, quid proprium, quid improprium fit. 

Loci feu organa f implicis thematis. 
Finitio, 
Cauffae, 
Partes, 

Ofhcia, Vt fi quid fit iufticia, quae cauffae eius funt, quae 
partes, quae ofhcia, inquifieris, iam totam iufticiae naturam perfcruta- 
tus es, & de iis quidem dialectici uiderint. Nam huic fimplicium 
thematum generi, quatenus cum rhetore conueniat, infra docebimus. 
Eft enim ubi defmitionibus ubi diuifionibus utitur. Quae ut funt 
apud dialecticum certae & compendiariae, ita apud rhetorem amplae 
& fplendidae. 

91 



92 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

DE COMPOSITO THEMATE. 

Omne compofitum thema, aut probatur, aut improbatur. 

Probatio aut improbatio argumentis conftat. lam omne compof- 
itum fle/xafiue rhetoricum, fiue SiaAe/m/cov, in dialecticas figuras referri 
poteit. It&que inter rhetorica & dialectica f ic conuenit, quod de pro- 
pofito themate dialecticus certa lege uerborum & anxie obferuata fer- 
monis proprietate, ne plus minufue dicatur quam res concepta apud 
animum praefcripfit, diflerit. Rhetor uero etiam aliunde addit fim- 
plicibus argumentis ornamenta qusedam. Ego certum argumentorz/nz 
iudicium a dialecticis, ornamentorum figuras a rhetoribus peto, ut in 
Miloniana, fie argumentari dialecticus poterit, Vim ui repellere fas est, 
Clodium occidit, uim ui repellens Milo, ergo Clodius iure caefus eft. 
Quem crvWoyLo-fjiov Marcus Cic. uix multis paginis abfoluit. Ne^zz<? 
uero de eo apte iudicare poteris nifi reuocaris in fimplicem, & 
SiaXeKTLKrjv formulae, indicante interim rhetore, quae ornamenta fint 
addita praeter necessitatem, in hoc tantum ut illuftrent, ut auguf- 
tiorem reddant orationem. 

Loci feu organa argumentorum inueniendorum, quibus com- 
pofita Oe/xara muniuntur, 
Finitio, 
Cauffae, 
Partes, 
Similia, 
Contraria. 

De argumentorz/nz locis infra agemus, omnino enim rhetori & 
dialectico de locis conuenit. Nara qui modi fint, & quae formulae 
argumentorum nectendorum dialecticus docet, ubi o-vAAoyicr/Aov, 
enthymematum, & d-rrayoyyiov formas tradit. 

DE GENERE DEMONSTRATIVO. 

Demonstratiuum genus, quo utimur laudando, aut uituperando, 
celebre quondam in actionibus publicis, ut indicant Demofthenis, 
item plerseque Thucydidis conciones. Nunc ad fcholas & ad exerci- 
tium iuuentutis relegatum eft. Eft autem triplex. Nanz aut perfonae 
laudantur, ut Caefar, aut facta, ut Scaeuolae factunz, aut res, ut iusticia, 
pietas. Semper itaque fimplicis Oefxaros genus demonftratiuum eft. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 93 

DE PERSONARUM LAVDE. 

Orationis partes a rhetoribus praefcriptae funt. 
Exordium 
Narratio 
Contentio 
Peroratio. 
Quas partes deinceps in fingulis generibus requiremus. Neq#d? 
uero ub'\c\ue omnium ufus eft. 

DE EXORDIO. 

Exordium non modo in hoc genere fed in aliis etiam tribus 
locis conftat. 

Beneuolentiae 

Attentionis 

Docilitatis. 

Beneuolentia petitur turn a rebus, turn a perfonis. Facillimus 
& ufitatiffimus beneuolentiae tractandae locus eftofficium perfonarum. 
Quale eft exordium Nazianzeni in Bafilii laudem. Debere fe 
Bafilium laudare, turn propter amicitiae ratiowes, turn propter 
memoriam pulcherrimarz/^ uirtutum, turn ut exemplum habeat 
ecclefia optimi & fanctiffimi epifcopi. 

Ab Officio orditur Cicero pro Archia. Si quid eft in me ingenii 
iudices, quod fentio quam fit exiguum, aut fi qua exercitatio dicendi, 
in qua me non inficior mediocriter effe uerfatum, aut fi huiufce rei 
ratio aliqua ab optimarz/#z artium ftudiis, & difciplina perfecta, a qua 
ego nullum confiteor aetatis meae tempus abhoruiffe, earum rerum 
omnium, uel in primis hie A. Licinius fructum a me repetere prope 
iuo iure debet. 

Ab Officio exorditur primam Epiftolam Cice. Ego officio ac 
pietate cseteris fatisfacio omnibus, mihi ipfi non fatisfacio, tanta 
enim eft magnitudo meritorum tuorum. 

Ab iis quos laudamus, ut fuperiorem effe eum, de quo dicturus 
es, omni orationis facultate. Sic de Bafilio Gre. Nazian. 

Ab iis coram quibus dicitur, ut ex re eorum effe, coram quibus 
dicis, ut hunc laudes, fatis fcire quam charus ciuitati fuerit, ideo 
publici officii gratia laudandum eile. 

Principio notare, perftringere, criminari aduerfarium, ut pro 
Aulo Ceci. fi quantum in agro, locifqz/£ defertis audacia poteft, tan- 
tum in foro atqz*<? in iudiciis impudentia ualeret, non minus in 



94 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

cauffa cederet Au. Cecin. Sexti Ebutii impudentiae, quam turn in 
ui facie^da ceffit audaciae. Et hae quidem funt communes formulae 
beneuolentiae. 

Commode trahuntur exordia a locis, temporibus & ab aliis cir- 
cunftantiis, quae forte fortuna inciderunt. Vt Cice. pro Celio A 
Tempore orfus eft, Si quis forte nunc iudices adfit ignarus legum, 
iudiciorum, confuetudinis ueftrae, miretur profecto quae fit tanta 
atrocitas huius cauffae, quod diebus feftis, ludifqz^ publicis, omnibus 
negociis forenfibus intermiffis, unum hoc iudicium exerceatur. 

A Temporvm periculis orfus eft pro Sexto Rofcio. 

Peregrina exordia faepe ducuntur, 

A fententiis, 

A uotis, 

A moribus, 

A legibus. 

Inftitutis gentium, Vt Aristides in Encomio Romae, fie Demof- 
thenes in Aefchinem a uoto orfus eft. Optare fe a diis immortali- 
bus ut quam gratiam hactenus expertus fuiffet in Rep. gefta, earn 
nunc in hac cauffa experiretur. Et pro Murena Cice. & de reditu 
fuo. Orditur & a more pro lege agraria. 

Idem fere in epiftolarum exordiis obferuatur quamquam in his 
minus eft artificii. 

DE INSINVATIONE. 

Infinuatio eft cum principio orationis excufamus turpitudinem, 
quae in cauffa uidetur effe, ut fi quis Therfiten laudaturus fit, cum 
hunc damnarint poetae, damnarit & fama, fie ordiatur. Boni uiri 
effe fufpectum habere, quidquid uel poetae, uel fama probet aut 
damnet. Ideo confidere auditores magis quae dicturus fis, quam quae- 
incerta fama acceperint confyderaturos. 

Exemplum habes exordium Moriae Erafmi. 

In exordiis cauendum, ne longius petantur, item ne nimis pro- 
lixa fint. 

Accommodata funt exordiis haec affectuum uerba Gaudeo, doleo, 
miror, gratulor, opto, uereor, precor, & f imilia, ut apud Paulum 

DE ATTENTIONE. 

Attenti erunt fi de nouis, neceffariis, utilibus rebus, item diffi- 
cilibus, aut obfeuris, dicturum te affirmes. Eft & ubi beneuolentiam 
captes, a nouitate, & utilitate argument]. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 95 

DE DOCILITATE. 

Dociles, fi dicturum te affirmes breuiter & dilucide. 

Narratio qua perfonae laudantur, eft hiftorica co^memoratio 
totius vitae. 

Loci funt natales, puericia, ubi de ingenio dicitur, & educations 
Adulefcentia, ubi ftudia confyderantur. Iuuentus & fenectus, ubi res 
publicae aut priuatim geftae confyderantur, mors, & quae illam fecuta 
funt. 

Quidam perfonarum laudes partiuntur in tria genera bonorum, 
& ab illis incipiunt narrationem, quod non admodum probo, quan- 
quam in commemorandis geftis rebus, fi non poteft hiftoricus ordo 
temporum obferuari, & multa facta funt congerenda, patiar commem- 
orari primum prudentise, deinde iufticiae, poftea fortitudinis, pof- 
tremum temperantiae exempla. Vt fi fis Auguftinum laudaturus, 
recenfitis natalibus, ubi iam ad egregia facta peruentum eft, patiar 
ea diftribui in locos uirtutum. Sic Cicero laudauit Pompeium. 
Ego fie exiftimo in fummo Imperatore quatuor has res ineffe oportere, 
fcientiam rei militaris, virtutem, auctoritatem, fcelicitatem. 

In recenfendis factis nonnunquam ad alicuius uirtutis peculiarem 
laudem per amplificationes excurrendum eft. 

Itaqz/<? oratio, qua perfona laudatur, eft continua qusedam hif- 
torica expofitio laudum personae, & ab hisftoria non differt hoc genus 
orationis, nifi quod hiftoria narrat fimplicius, fplendidius orator, & 
magnificentius. 

Caret confirmatione & confutatione, quia non agitur de dubiis 
rebus. Quanquam alicubi folet dubium incidere, quod aut defen- 
dendum, aut excufandum eft. Vt fi quis Camillum laudet, defendat, 
non uiolaffe pactum, quod cum Gallis Romani perpigerant. Ita fi 
quis Petrum laudet, oftendat lapfum effe, ut declaret exemplum fui 
in eo diuina mifericordia. 

DEMONSTRATIO FACTORVM. 

Licebit ordiri a commodis eorum, apud quos dicimus, ut fi quis 
Scaeuolse factum laudaret, qui Romam obfidione Porfenae liberauit. 
Non dubium eft quirites magnae uoluptati uobis memoriam Scaeuolae 
effe, qui tot Rempub. commodis unico facto auxit. Atque haec 
uidetur proxima ordiendi ratio. 

Ab aliis modi's ut a noftra persona, a locis, a temporibus, fi qua 
occafio fuppeditabit argumentum, ordiri poteft. Vt pro M. Mar- 



96 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

cello a tempore & perfona Caefaris orditur Cice. Diuturni filentii 
patres confcripti, quo eram his temporibus ufus, no« timore aliquo, 
fed partim dolore, partim uerecu^dia fine^ hodiernus dies attulit, 
idemq&<? initiem, quae uellem, quaeq&<? fentirem meo priftino more 
dicendi, tantam enim manfuetudinem, tam inufitatam inauditamqz^ 
clementiam, tantuw in lumma poteftate rerum omnium modum, tan- 
tamqz/<? incredibilem fapie/ztiam, ac pene diuina/# tacitus nullo 
modo praeterire poffum. 

DE NARRATIONE. 

In hoc genere raro utimur integris narrationibus, nifi ficubi pub- 
lice dicendum effet apud eos, qui non tenerent prorfus hiftoriam 
facti. 

Utimur autem propofitionibus ut in hunc modum. 

Inter ea, quae praeclare geffifti C. Caefar, non aliud factum plus 
meretur laudis reftitutione M. Marcelli. Sic proponit Cice. in ora- 
tione pro M. Marcello. In hu/zc modu^ in epistola., Inter ea, (\uce mihi 
co#tigeru«t feliciter longe primus puto qztod tua mihi confuetudo. &c. 

DE CONFIRMATIONE. 

Loci funt honeftum, utile, facile, uel difficile. Honeftum a natura 
rei petes, qui locus eft in ingenio pofitus dicentis, & a philosophis 
petendus. 

Vtilitas & facilitas, uel difficultas a circunftantiis petantur. 

Circunstantiae funt, quis, ubi, quando, apud quos fiat, & quorum 
auxilio. &c. 

DE CONFVTATIONE. 

Fere non incidit in laudes confutatio, quia non laudantur ambi- 
gua, fed certa, quanquam alicubi fit aliquid excufandum, aut defen- 
dendum, ut fi quis de Camilli facto dicat, quod patriam reftituit & 
liberauit a Gallis. Hie defendendum eft & demonftrandum pactum 
non effe uiolatum, quod inierat Sulpitius. 

Sunt autem loci confutationis contrarii confirmationi. 

DE PERORATIONE. 



Peroratio breui enumeratione conftat & affectu. In laetis moue- 
s ad 
andum. 



mus ad congratulandum & imitandum. In triftibus ad commifer- 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 97' 

DEMONSTRATIO RERVM. 
EXORDIUM. 

Optimum exordivm fuerit, fi ab aliqua infigni laude eius rei de 
qua dicturus es ordiare. Caeterum licebit, & a perfonis, & ab officio, 
a locis, temporibus, aliifqz^ modis ordiri, de quibus fupra dixi. 

lam & hie fpectandum fi rem turpem laudaturus fis, ut infinu- 
atione anteuortas animos audientium, & excufes turpitudinem, uel 
exemplis, uel argumentis. 

Exemplum habes Erafmicse Moriae praefixam Epiftolam. 

NARRATIO. 

In hoc genere narratio nulla eft, fed fimpliciter proponitur, eftque 
uice narrationis propofitio. 

Elegans exemplum eft apud Politianum in laudem hiftoriae. 

Inter omne fcriptorum genus, quibus uel Graecae uel Romanse 
literae floruerunt, hi mihi haud dubie de humanis rebus egregie 
meriti effe uidentur, per quos aut excellentium populorum aut fum- 
morum principum aut omnium illuftrium uirorzzm res geftas fldelibus 
historiarz^ monumentis commendatae funt. 

Ita fi quis de pace dicturus fit, proponat. Inter ea, quae uel pub- 
lice, uel priuatim falutaria rebus humanis co/ztingere poffint, nihil 
pace prius eft. 

CONFIRMATIO. 

Loci funt, honeftum, utile, facile, feu difficile. Multa enim com- 
munia habet hoc genus cum genere deliberatiuo. 

Honeftum a natura petitur, item a perfonis, ab inuentoribus, a 
uetuftate. 

Vtilitas & facultas in circunftantiis poiita eft. 

Exemplum habes hiftoriae laudationem apud Politianum item apud 
Erafmum de re medica. Confvtatio locis contrariis conftat. 

Peroratio conftat enumeratione & affectu, ut fupra. 

DE GENERE DELIBERATIVO. 

Genus deliberatiuum eft, quo fuademus, aut diffuademus, petimus, 
hortamur, aut dehortamur. Vi'usque eius multus eft, cum alias in 
ciuilibus negociis, turn in Epiftolis. 



98 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

EXORDIVM. 

Non aliter atqz/<? fupra docuimus ordiri, & hie licebit, maxime 
uero aut ab officio perfonae, ne quis putet confuli priuato affectu in 
rem noftram, ficut apud Salufti. Caefar. Omnes, qui de rebus dubiis 
confultant, uacare debent metu, timore, auaricia. 

Aut a periculi, uel rei magnitudine, quales pleraeqz/*? funt apud 
Livium ut lib. V. Camillus orditur in hunc modum. Ardeates 
ueteres amici, noui etiam ciues mei (quando & ueftrum beneficium 
ita tulit, & fortuna hoc egit mea) nemo uettrum conditionis meae obli- 
tum me hue procefiffe putet, fed res, & commune periculum coegit, 
quod quifq#* poffit in re trepida praefidii in medium conferre. 

Caeterum & aliunde petuntur exordia. M. Cicero pro lege Ma- 
nilla beneuolentia tantum a perfona fua captat, oftendens qua occa- 
fione licuerit in publico dicere, quia fcilicet praetor defignatus fit. 
Eft ubi aduerfarii perftringuntur ut faepe apud Liuium. 

Eft ubi mores publici, aut priuati notantur, ut in oratione Porcii 
Catonis contra luxuriam mulierum Deca. iiii. lib. iiii. 

Eft ubi ordimur a locis, temporibus, item aliis incidentib^j- rebus, 
ut a comprecatione Liuius contra bachanalia lib. ix De. iiii. Nulli 
unquam contioni tam non folum apta, fed etiam neceffaria haec 
folennis deorum comprecatio fuit, quae uos admonere debeat, hos 
effe deos, quos colere, uenerari, precariqz/*? maiores noftri inftituiffent. 

Breuiter in exordiis generis deliberatiui, officium perfonse, & 
neceffitas, aut commoditas rei confyderantur. 

NARRATIO. 

In deliberationibus rarae funt narratio/zes, fed ferepropolitionibus 
uice narration^;;? utimur, ut uindicare Germaniam a pontificia tyran- 
nide, & pium, & neceffarium eft hoc tempore. 

Nonnunquam breuibus narrationibus utimur, ut cum aliquid ante 
ea de re geftum eft, de qua deliberamus, ut apud Cic. pro lege Mani- 
lla, in hunc modum & narratiuncula eft in oratione Annibalis ad 
Scipionem Deca. iii. lib. x. mire elegans & uenufta. 

Narrationem uero debet fequi propofitio eius fententiae, de qua 
deliberatur, ut apud Liuium. Quod igitur nos maxime abominare- 
mur, uos autem ante omnia optaretis, in meliore ueftra fortuna 
agitur agimufq^<?. ii, o^ioxum & maxime intereft pacem tffe, & quod- 
cunqz/<? egerimus, ratttm ciuitates nostras habiturae funt. Haec enim 
propofitio eft quam e narratione colligit. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFT E OF RHETHORYKE 99 

CONFIRMATIO. 

Loci funt, honeftum, utile, facile, uel difficile. Honeftas com- 
plectitur uirtutes, prudentiam, iufticiam, pietatem, liberalitatem, cle- 
mentiam, fortitudinem, tempera/ztiam. &c. 

Proinde qz/i uolet ab honefto argume/ztari, eum oportet uirtutum 
naturas probe tenere. Hie facrorzz/^ fcriptorz/;zz, poetarzz?zz, philoib- 
phorum fententias, fcite dicta, item hiftoricorz/^ exempla oportet in 
promptu habeamus. 

Vtilitas, in omni cauffa spectandum eft num quod poffit a necef- 
fario duci argumentum, uincitur enim neceffitate utilitas. Czeterum 
utilitas pofita eft in circunftantiis, & nascitz/r ex ipfa cauffa. 

Facile, uel difficile, hue pertinent poffibile & impoffibile. Vinci- 
tur enim impoffibili difficultas, ideo efficacius argumentum eft, 
quod hinc ducitur. 

Difficultas commemorat pericula, quse uel ex ipfa cauffa, uel a 
locis communibus, uel a conditione fortunse colliguntur. In hoc 
toto genere plurimum ualent exempla. 

CONFVTATIO. 

Petenda eft a contrariis locis. Obferuabis autem ubi honeftas a 
personis petitur, agi rem locis demonftratiuis. 

Peroratio enumeratione conftat, & affectu. Qualis ilia eft apud 
Ouidium in .iii. Methamor. in Vlyffis oratione contra Aiacem. 

DE GENERE IVDICIALI. 

Iudiciale genus eft quo controuerfise, ac lites continentur. 
Forenfe quondam erat, & nunc a nobis eatenus tractabitur, qua- 
tenus in literatis cauffis eius ufus eft. Nam ut de ciuilibus negociis, 
ita iifdem fere locis de literatis cauffis difceptari poteft, ut cum 
Paul, probat, non effe ex operibus iufticiam, certe ciuili argume/zto 
ufus est, cum ait, Abraham ante circuncifionem iuftificatus eft, ergo 
non ex circoncifione. 

Statvs eft fummaria fententia de qua proprie litigatur, atqz/<? adeo 
breue pronunciatum, feu propofitio quae eft controuerfiae fumma, & 
ad quam omnes probationes, etiam argumenta referuntur, ut, Fides 
iuftificat, haec fummaria fententia difputationis Paulinse dicitur fta- 
tus. Milo Clodium iure occidit, haec fummaria fententia orationis 
Milonianae dicitur ftatus. 



ioo THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

Singulis itatibus fui funt arguraentorum inueniendorum loci. 
Proinde ftatus recenfendi funt, & digerendi, ut quocunq^ themate 
propofito fcias quibus argumenta^di locis utendum fit. 

Sunt autem tres ftatus, Coniecturalis, Legitimus & Iudicialis. 

Coniecturalis ex quaeftione an fit nafcitur, ut cum quaeritur Occi- 
dent ne Aiacem Vlyffes. 

De legitimo, & iuridiciali poftea. 

Coniecturalium, & in aliis generibus, ut poftea indicabimus mul- 
tus ufus eft, ideo eius loci diligenter obferuandi funt. 

DE EXORDIIS. 

Exordiorum ratio \n iudiciali genere eadem eft, qua? supra. 
Ordimur enim pro conditione cauffae, uel ab aduerfarii criminatione, 
uel ab eius pro quo dicimus, commiferatione, qui locus & accufatori 
& defenfori mire utilis eft. Alias item a noftrae perfonae officio. 
Alias a iudicis perfona. In promptu funt exempla quibus pro regu- 
lis utaris. 

Narratio in hoc genere eft hiftorica facti commemoratio. Nar- 
rabit ergo accufator, fparfis in narrationem multis fufpitionibus, 
quae cauffam adiuuare uideantur. 

Ex narratione certam collige fententiam, quam probaturus es, 
nam rhetores narrationi enumerationem fubiiciunt, quse eorum, de 
quibus dicturi fumus, propof itio eft, ut pro Milone Cice. poft narra- 
tionem ait. Nunquid igitur aliud in iudicium uenit / nifi uter utri 
infidias fecerit ? Profecto nihil. Si hie illi, ut ne fit impune : fi ille 
huic, turn nos scelere foluamur : quo nam igitur pacto probari poteft 
infidias Miloni feciffe Clodium ? Et hactenus proponit Cicero. 

DE CONFIRMATIONS. 

Accufatoris confirmatio ab his locis petitur, uoluntate, & potef- 
tate, fuspicionem enim arguunt haec duo uoluiffe laedere, & potuiffe. 

Volvntatis loci duo funt, qualitas personam & cauffa inducens ad 
fufcipiendum facinus. Huius duo funt loci, impulfio & ratiocinatio. 

Impvlfio eft affectus animi, ira, odium, auaricia, aut quaecunqz/<? 
cupiditas. 

Ratiocinatio eft, quae a ipe commodorum ducitur. quale primum 
eft in Miloniana cauffa, ubi probatur Miloni Clodium infidiatum 
effe, Satis eft quidem in ilia tam audaci, tarn nefaria belua docere 
magnaw ei cauffam, magnam fpem in Milonis morte propofitam 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 101 

fuiffe. Quara fententiam deinde rhetoricis figuris amplificat, 
inquiens, Itaqw*, illud Cafi'ianum, cui boni fuerit, in his perfonis 
ualeat : & fi boni nullo emolumento impelluntur in fraudem, 
improbi fsepe paruo. 

Qvartvs Locvs Comprobatio, cum docemtis / ad hunc lblum per- 
tinuiffe commoda. 

Potestas tota conitat circunftantiis, loco, tempore, uiribus, item 
signis, quae uel maxime fufpitiones arguunt, & conformant. 

Signa funt dicta, aut facta, antecedentia, uel co//fequentia. 

Antecedens, ut Clodium ait Cicero dixiffi Milonem triduo peri- 
turum. Item Clodium habuiffe secum comites, barbaros feruos. 

Seqvens ut fugit, expalluit, erubuit. 

Iidem funt defenibris loci, fed ille addet abfolutionem & inuer- 
fionem, quibus figna diluuntur. 

Absolvtio eft cum docemus id fignum, quod factum eft, miferi- 
cordia & humanitate factum effe, ut fepelii, fed motus mifericordia. 

Inversio qua docemus fignu/8, quod contra nos producit, pro nobis 
facere, ut non fepeliffem, fi occidiffem. Ita Thucydides non ani- 
maduertendum in Mityleneos ne defcifcant. Ita Paul«j in Gala. 
Nunquid lex aduerfus promiffio/zes, fi non iustificat. Imofi lex iusti- 
ficaret, effet aduerfus promiffiones dei. 

Peroratio conitat enumeratione & affectu. Accufator enim 
inuehitur in reum. Rurfus reus iudicis animum follicitat mifericor- 
dia & fimilibus affectibus. 

Sicvt coniectvralis ftatus ex quseftione an fit nafcitur, ita cum 
de facto conitat, quaeri folet de iure uel iniuria facti, atqz/<? hie 
ftatus eft qui ius, aut iniuriam continet. Negocialis dicitur, uel 
Iuridicialis. 

Exordia, atque narrationes a fuperioribus pete. 

Confirmationis proprii funt loci. 

Eft autem duplex ftatus negocialis, ablblutus, & affumptiuus. 

Absolvti ftatus funt, cum fimpliciter aliquid defenditur, ut in 
Milonianafimpliciter Milonis factum defenditur. Loci eorum funt, 
natura, lex, confuetudo, aequum, & bonum, iudicatum, pactum. 

Assvmptivvs ftatus, eft cum per fe defenf io infirma eft, fed affumpta 
re extranea tractatur. 

Loci eius funt, conceffio, remotio criminis, tra;/flatio criminis. 

Concessio eft, cum reus poftulat fibi ignofci, & habet partes, 
purgationem & deprecationem. 



102 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

Pvrgatio eft, cum non confulto, fed per imprudentiam, per cafum 
nos pecaffe fatemur. 

Deprecatio cum i^ploramus mifericordiam. &c. Id autem fit 
commemoratione laudum iudicis. 

Translatio criminis, cum culpam, & crimen fatemur, fed coactos 
indignitate pecaffe. ut Oreftes cum matrem occidit, ueniam meretur, 
coactus fcelere matris. 

Remotio criminis, cum crimen in alios conferimus, quorum iuffu 
fatemur peccatum effe. 

Peroratione, enumeratione & affectu conftat. 

Legitima conftitutio dicitur ubi definitione, contrariis legibus, 
ambiguis fcriptis, ratiocinatio/ze, aut tranflatione agitur. 

Definitione certatzzr, ut fi quis fuftulerit e facro pecuniae /r^pha- 
nam. quaeritur facrilegium, an furtum fit admiffum. 

Quaeftio finitionis tractatur dialecticorum locis, argumentis a 
genere, a differentia ductis. 

Contrariarum legum conftitutio eft, ut contrariarz/772 fententiarum 
in fcripturis, ut Alius non portabit iniquitatem patris, et uindicabo 
iniquitatem patrum in filios. Tractatur autem per circunftantias, 
altera uel prorfus refutata, uel expofita. 

DeAmbigvis fcriptis dicitur ex fcripto, & fententia controuerfia 
nafci, ubiuidetur fcriptoris uoluntas in fcriptis diffentire. Vt si quis 
difputet cur Paulus prsecipiat bona opera, cum tamen opera non 
iuftificent. 

Ex Ambigvo omw, una fententia multifariam exponitzzr. In qua 
controuerfia ftatuenda eft, una aliqua certa fente/ztia confirmanda 
circumstantiis & mente auctoris. ut fi difputetur utrum cum Paulus 
doceat opera legis non iuftificare, uelit hoc intelligi tantum de cere- 
moniis, an de omnibus legis operibus ceremonialibus & moralibus. 

Ratiocinatione conftat controuerfia, quoties de cafu aliquo dif- 
putatur, legibus non comprehenfo, qui cafus fimili collato definiri 
poteft. 

Translatio plane id eft, quod Iurisconfulti exceptionem uocant, 
ut cum agitur non licere huic accufare. Item no?* poffe hanc cauffam 
agi coram hoc iudice. 



NOTES. 

For a comparison (bibliographical) of the two texts of Cox's Rhetoric 
see Introduction, supra p. 19. Further, it may be noted in support of the 
theory that B is the later and revised text that, of the changes noted in B, 
some one hundred and ten are corrections and improvements upon A, bring- 
ing the readings nearer to modern forms, while B gives a poorer reading 
or a more contracted form than A only some twelve or fifteen times. The 
punctuation in B is throughout better than in A. 

On the date of the Rhetoric see Introduction, supra p. 10. 

In the following notes, besides the explanation of the more difficult and 
unusual references in the text, attention has been called in nearly every 
instance to the passages which are translated by Cox from Melanchthon's 
fnstitutiones Rhetoricce (noted as " M. I"). A few passages translated 
from the same author's de Rhetorica are also cited. It will be seen that 
something over a third of Cox's text is directly translated from M. I ; about 
a third more is either amplification of hints from M. or consists of direct 
translation from Cicero, from Melanchthon's de Rhetorica, or from other 
authors ; while something less than a third seems to be of Cox's unaided 
composition. Cox, however, has treated his material very freely and sel- 
dom gives us literal translation. After Melanchthon, Cicero is his chief 
authority. To him he refers more than thirty times in the course of his 
short treatise. Among other authors mentioned are Aristotle, Demos- 
thenes, Erasmus, Hermogenes, Hermolaus Barbarus, Horace, Livy, Ovid, 
Plato, Politian, Sallust, Thucydides, Trapezuntius, and Virgil. 

Certain general peculiarities in Cox's English may here be noted once 
for all. These are : 

Frequent double negatives, e. g., 73. 

The double comparative and superlative, e. g., 59 ("most valiauntest ") ; 88 
("more gladder"). 

The form nat for not, passim. 

The phrase that that for that which: e. g., p. 44 line 28 ; 47 : 31 ; 68 : 19, etc. 

The relatives who, whom used for both persons and things as in older English. 

The word other in collective sense (— other people, other things): e. g., 
81:35; 88: 18, etc. 

Past participles in -ect, -ate, and -en, etc.: e. g.: 

(1) Neglecte 71:18; suspecte 71: 35 ; 72:21; 75:8. Cf. also 64:1; 67:18. 
Cf. deducte 59 : 13 ; 76 : 14 ; accepte 42 : 2 ; instructe 42 : 6. 

(2) Violate 64 : 17 ; abdicate 84 : 24 ; approbate 86 : 37, etc. 

(3) Be for been: e. g., 81 : 32 (" that have be forgiven ") ; cf. 42 : 26. 

(4) "to be understonde" 54 : 36. 

103 



104 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

(5) Holpen 80 : 30 ; founden 74 : 36 ; bounden 41:7; understanden 85 : 12. 

Umlaut in the comparative : e. g., lenger 61 : 8 ; strenger 70 : 28. 

An adjective taking a plural form in -s to agree with its noun, as in French : 
e. g., 62 : 14 " oracyons demonstratives." Cf. 68 : 8 ; 68 : 12. 

The tone for the one, 84 : 14. The tother for the other 56 : 12 ; 73 : 20 ; 74 : 36 ; 
87 :20. 

In conjunctions : " nat all onely .... but also," 55 : 3. So 63: 13, " Eyther 
.... eyther els " for either . ... or, So : 26. 

Page 41, line 3. Hugh Faringdon was the last Abbot of Reading and 
a cleric of considerable prominence in his day. Warton [Hist. Eng. Poetry, 
London, 1871, Vol. IV, p. 10) and others testify to his learning. In 1530 
he joined with others in a letter to the Pope " pointing out the evils likely 
to result from delaying the divorce desired by the king, and again in 1536 
he signed the articles of faith .... which virtually acknowledge the 
royal supremacy" {Diet. Natl. Biog., XVIII, 206). In 1539, opposing the 
surrender of his abbey at the dissolution of the monasteries, he was 
accused of having assisted the northern rebels with money, attainted of 
high treason, and condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, "which 
sentence was executed upon him at Reading, November 14, 1539" (Browne 
Willis, Hist, of the Mitred Parliamentary Abbies, London, 1718, Vol. I, p. 
161). 

42 : 6. So a little later Sir Thomas Eliot {The Poke named the Gou- 
ernour, 1 53 1 , reprint ed. H. E. S. Croft, London, 1883, Bk. I, ch. xi) urges 
that at fourteen years the child should be grounded in the Topica of Cicero 
or of Agricola. -"Immediately after that, the arte of Rhetorike wolde be 
semblably taught, either in greke, out of Hermogines, or of Quintilian in 
latine." Eliot also recommends Cicero's "De partitione oratoria" and 
Erasmus' "Copia." 

42 : 19 f. The "werke of Rhethoryke wrytten in the lattyn tongue" is 
Melanchthon's Institutiones Rhetoricas, 1521. See Introduction, supra 
p. 30. 

42 : 23. "The Phylosopher" referred to is probably Aristotle. See 
Aristotle's Rhetoric, ch. vn. 

43 : 6. On Cox's other works "in this facultye." See Introduction, 
supra p. 21 . 

43 : 10 f. Cox here is following Melanchthon's divisions and order, but 
is freely amplifying his author. See the text of Melanchthon, supra p. 91. 
Such things as the anecdote about Demosthenes, for example, are not in 
his original. 

43 : 12. "Of any maner thing," i. e., of any kind of thing. 

43 : 18. " He may as well tell," i. e., he is as likely to tell. 

43 : 27. " Sayde ons by demosthenes," i. e., said concerning Demos- 
thenes. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 105 

43 : 31 f. Translated directly from Melanchthon : " Dimcilimum est 
invenire," etc. See, supra p. 91. Notice how Cox simplifies and rear- 
ranges his text, e. g., in the handling of the instance of Clodius, cited by 
M. in the briefest possible terms, but by Cox laid open for young beginners. 

44 : 3. On the " placys " (the " loci " of M., or " topica " of some other 
rhetoricians) see Wilson's Arte of Rhetorique, 1553, fol. 3 b, 62 b, and 
passim. 

44 125. "An oracyon to the laude and prayse of the Kynges hygh- 
nesse." Cox was sometime a courtier. See the account of his life in the 
Introduction, supra. 

44:31. "The fyrste is called Logycall." Melanchthon's "dialec- 
ticum.' 

45 : 9-23 : is direct translation from M. I. So 45 : 26-31. What fol- 
lows, however, is inserted by Cox. 

45 • 24. "To whome oure author levith " : de iis quidem dialectici 
viderint (M., supra p. 91). 

45 : 37. See Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, Book V. Compare 
Chase's translation: "Justice [is] a moral disposition such that in conse- 
quence of it men have the capacity of doing what is just, and actually do 
it, and wish it." 

46 : 6. Cf. Plato's Meno (Jowett's translation, last paragraph) : 
"Socrates. Then, Meno, the conclusion is that virtue comes to the virtu- 
ous by the gift of God." 

46 : 9. " Plato .... in the begynning of his lawes." See Plato, 
Laws, Book I, Steph., 624 A. 

46 : 12 f. What follows is apparently not a translation from Aristotle, 
but is Cox's interpretation of Aristotle. 

47 : 9 f. "Our auctour also in a grete work," etc. See Philippi 
Melanchthonis de Rhetoric a libri tres. Coloniae, 1523. [Sig. B. 4 
verso, et seq.j : 

"I. Quid iustitia ? uirtus qua cui^z^ suum penditur. 

"II. Quae eius causa? uoluntas consentiens cum legibus moribus^*?. 

"III. Quae species? commutatiua & distributiua. Dupliciter enim 
cum ciuibus communicamus, aut fortunis commutandis, aut humana ciuili- 
que consuetudine. 

"IV. Commutatiua quid ? iustitia contractuum. 

"V. Distributiua quid ? iustitia ciuilis vitae. 

"VI. Distributiua quottuplex ? publica alia, alia priuata. Publica, 
pietas est, imo est omnium uirtutum corona quaedam, ciuilem hominum 
inter se co/zsuetudinem, magistratuum cum ciuibus, uicissim ciuium cum 
magistratibus, conseruans. Priuata, ciuium inter honesta & tranquilla 
consuetude 



106 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

"VII. Officia, reddere ciai, magistratui, patriae, liberis, coniugibus, 
amicis, quod debetur. 

"VIII. Comparatio specierum. [This section Cox omits.] 

"IX. Affinia, fortitudo, liberalitas, temperantia. 

"X. Contraria, metus, auaritia, luxus &c." 

Compare the "Example in commendacion of Justice" in Wilson, fol. 
13b et seq., in illustration of the same point. 

47 : 35 — 48 : 6. Added by Cox. 

48 : 7 — 49 : 24. This entire passage is a direct but free translation 
from M. I. 

49 : 25 f. Follows M. generally, but the illustrations are supplied by 
Cox. It will be noticed that Cox here as elsewhere freely omits whole 
sentences from his original. 

50 : 1 — 28. Direct translation, with the addition of explanatory 
phrases. 

50 : 16. "Benevolence is the place," etc. From Melanchthon, de 
Rhetorica (ed. of 1523, C viii a): " Benevolentiam captamus, aut a nostra 
persona, aut ab audientium persona, aut ab ipsa causa." 

50 : 22. "Out of this place [of 'Benevolence'] is fet the preamble of 
St. Gregory Nazazene, made to the prayse of St. Basyl." See Opera 
Magni Basilii .... Romae 15 15, fol. iii a: "Monodia Graegorii 
Nazianzeni in Magnum Basilium." 

" . . . . Ego uero si hac uti facultate ullo unguam tempore debeo : 
nesciam profecto ubi melius aut religiosius siue oportunius (\ua?n in 
huius laudibus uires meas omnis intendam. Quod omciu?/z tribus omnino 
de causis mihi adsumendum duxi. Primum, ut amicissimi ac mei aman- 
tissimi pietatis hoc munus, quando aliud nequeo, extremuw impendam. 
Deinde ut omnibus bonis & illius uirtutem colentibus atqz/<? admirantibus 
rem gratissimaM faciam. Postremo quod exitum qualemcuwq^<f sortiatur 
oratio, feliciter eueniet. Nam si prope ad eius meritorura narrationis 
me tarn peruenerit : id potissimum quod optamus adsequemur nostra 
dictio magnopere commendabitur. Si uero longe," etc. (as below). 

There seems to be no passage corresponding to this in the original 
Greek text as printed in Migne, Patrologice Cursus Completus, Paris 1858, 
Vol. XXXVI pp. 493 f., nor in the Latin translation accompanying that 
edition. Perhaps Cox after all went no farther than Melanchthon. 

51 : 3 — 52 : 2. Direct translation. 

51 : 24. "And so taketh St. Nazazene benevolence" etc. 

Op. cit., fol. iii a: " .... Si uero longe infra spem remaneat huius 
maxime sancti cowmendationi adcedet : quod eius laus ac vita omni sit 
co^mendationi superior. Virtus rn.rn.qjie encomii ilia demuw est : quem- 
admodum ea quae laudantur omni sint oratione superiora ostendere." 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 107 

52 : 3-1 1. Cox's addition. 52 : 12 — 53 : 7. Direct translation. 

52 : 29. "Aristides .... his oracion made to the prayse of Rome." 
See Aristides, 'Pcfy^s iyKw/xiov, in Aristides ex recensione Dindorfii, vol. I, 
321. 

53 : 4. The opening sentence of Cicero's oration pro lege Agraria is 
not given in M. I. 

53 : 8 f. Free translation or paraphrase, with many additions ; the 
severe arraignment of the poets is chiefly Cox's, although suggested in M. I. 

54 : 1. The Morice Encomium of Erasmus, 15 12. The general 
tenor of the Epistle Dedicatory, which is addressed to Sir Thomas More, 
is to suggest a defense of the author's theme by " Insinuatio." 

54 : 3 f. "Another example hath the same Erasmus in his seconde 
Boke of Copia." See "Desyderii Erasmi Roterodami de duplici Copia 

Verboru^, ac Reruw Co^mentarij duo Argentorati .... 

M.D.XXI." Liber Secundus, De partium rhetoricorum multiplicatione. 
Fol. LXXVII b. 

"Vt si pr^posueris laudare Platonis dogma de uxoribus co?«munibus, 
ut hoc exempli causa sumatur, dices non te fugere te rem omnium sentew- 
tia absurdissimam polliceri. Verum illud orabis ut tantisper iudiciuw 
suum differant, donee argumentorzm suwmam audierint, nihil diffidere 
te quin penitus exposita re sint in diuersam sentential pedibus ituri. 
Tantu^ illud cogitent, hoc quicqxiid est, non esse temere dictum a tanto 
philosopho, quigue azeteris in rebus ob excellentia?^ ingenij, diuini cogno- 
men promeruerit." This reference to Erasmus is not in M. 

54 : 3 f . Additions by Cox. 

54 : 26 — 55 : 17. Direct translation, with free amplification and re- 
arrangement. 

55 : 18 f. Amplification of the topic by Cox, who supplies new illustra- 
tions and interpretation. 

55 : 22. Horace, Satira IV : 

" Insuevit pater optimus hoc me, 
Ut fugerem, exemplis vitiorum quaeque notando." 

55 : 26. Terence, Andria, Act I, Sc. i, 55-59. 

56 : 3 f. Sallust, Catiline, LIV. 

57 : 1. "The oracion that Hermolaus Barbarus made to the Emper- 
our Frederike and Maximilian his son." Printed with the works of 
Politian, viz.: Omnium Angeli Politiani operum .... Tomus prior . . 
[etc.] . . Parrhisiis .... M.D.XII. fols. XC1I1I a— XCVI a (five pages 
folio): "Oratio Hermolai Barbari Zachari<z\ F. Legati Veneti : ad 
Federicum imperator^^ & Maximilianum Regem Romanorum principes 
inuictissimos." 

57 : 5-24. Translation (indirect in part) from M. I. 



108 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

57 : 27. " in an other greater worke he declareth it thus briefly : " i. e., 
Melanchthon's de Rhetorica (ed. 1523, Sig. D. 3. a) : "Sunt et mortis prae- 
conia, ut eorum qui vitam pro patria perdiderunt." M. goes on to discuss 
this locus for several lines further. 

57 : 31. "An epistle that Angele Policiane writeth in his fourth boke 
of epistels, to James Antiquarie, of [z. e., concerning] Laurence Medices 
. . . . " May be found in " Illustrium Virorum Epistolae ab Angelo 
Politiano partim scriptae, partim collectse," etc., 1526 (not the first edition), 
(Brit. Mus. copy, press mark 10905. g. 1.) Fol. XCa to XCVb [Sig. M ij 
recto]. Written in answer to inquiries made by "Jacobus Antiquarius" 
on hearing of the death of Lorenzo. Dated XV. Calend. Iunias. 
MCCCCXCII, In Faesulano Rusculo. The following analysis of the letter 
precedes : 

"Cur tardius responderit causa fuit dolor ex morte Laurentij. Hypo- 
chondrioruzzz dolori febris accessit. De peccatis ad sacerdotem Laurezztius 
cozzfitetur. Sacrosanctuzzz corpus Christi venerabundz/.? suscipit. Filiuz/z 
Petruz/z hortatzzr cozzsolaturqzz*?. Politianum alloquitzzr. Cuzzz Pico (quezzz 
accersi iusserat) loquitz/r. Ferrariezzsi Hieronymo, qui salutis euzzz adraone- 
bat, respozzdet aduersus mortezzz interrituzzz se esse. Extrema vnctione 
vnctus euangelia sibi Christiqzz<? passionem recitari postulat. Exosculazzs 
crucezzz naturae satisfacit. Amplissima eius laus enumeratur. In tribus 
liberis eius Florentinoruzzz spes cozzsolationesqz/<? collocatae sunt, in Petro, 
Ioanne, Iuliano. Petrus pietate in asgrotum patrem, in ciues humanitate, 
vtilitateqzz<? administrazzdse reipu[blicae] cozzzmendatur. Laurentij funus 
non admoduz/z magnificum. Prodigia qu^edam enarrantur." See referen- 
ces to this letter in Symond's Italian Renaissance, I, 523ZZ; II, 355, 533. 

57 : 35 — 58 : 9. Direct translation. 

58: 10 f. This example of Camillus (as well as the next of "the laude 
of Saynt Peter ") is suggested in M. I, but Cox expands the four lines of 
M. to some fifty, evidently having recourse directly to Livy for his mate- 
rials. 

59 15. See Livy, History of Rome, Book V, Ch. xlix. 

59 123 f. "The author in his greater worke." The reference is again 
to Melanchthon's De Rhetorica. See ed. 1523, D iv a : " Carolum Caesa- 
rem laudatur cum hoc agat ordine. Exemplum. 

Natales ex Pipino patre, qui primus intulit nomen Christianissmi nom- 
ini Francorum, avo Martello principe bellica gloria cum nemine necque 
majoz-7/zzz, necque posteriorzzzzz conferendo. 

^| Educatio, puer sub Petro Pisano meruit Uteris latinis & graecis. 
^[ Adulescentiam in armis egit Tyro sub patre fortissimo viro in Aquitanis, 
ubi & Sarracenicam linguam didicit. 
^| Juvenis regnum adeptus Aquitaniam, Italiam, Sueviam, Saxonas paca- 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 109 

vit, atque haec quidem bella ea foelicitate gesta sunt, ut magis vicerit 
authoritate, & prudentia, quam sanguine civium. Ad haec accedunt 
pleraque pietatis exempla, potissimum quod scholam Parisiorum dicavit. 
Hie digredi licet quam honeste sint principibus viris Werae atque ece max- 
imequ^adpietatem pertinent. Ethic fiat comparatio civilium&bellicarz^z 
virtutum, sane tale esse historic filum ut longe civilibus pr^stitisse vide- 
ant. Nihil no/? prius pace habuit. Clementia tali, ut noxiis etiam, si quo? 
liceret parceret ; pietatis adeo amans, ut assiduo usus sit Alcuino Anglo de 
divinis differente. In plerisque constantini Caesaris similimus, cuz^s com- 
paratione nonnihil crescet Carols. 

Senect^5- pacata, hoc uno infortunata quod non conveniebat prtfrsum 
inter filios. 

Mors, consectanea mortis ampla reliquit unum ex se filium, optimum 
principem Ludovicum pium, inter haec saepe excursionibus de horum tem- 
porum moribus declamare licet." 

The reference to the " sayengs of the gospel" which follows in Cox 
does not appear in Melanchthon. 

60 : 29 f. Follows M. I. Cox as usual however has taken the illustra- 
tions suggested by M. and explained them at length in all their circum- 
stances. The account of Scevola is condensed from Livy, Book II, Ch. 
xii. 

62 :i6— 63 : 11. Translation from M. I. See supra pp. 95-96. 

63 : 11-18. Amplification and paraphrase of M. 

63 : 19-21, 24-27. Translation from M. I. 

63:23. The reference to Erasmus is Cox's own. See " Libellus de 

Conscribendis epistolis, Autore D. Erasmo Apud praeclaram Can- 

tabrigiensem Academiam. Anno. M.D.XXI." [" The second book printed 
at Cambridge"], fol. Xlb — XLIIIa, "De Epistola Suasoria." In 
which some of the topics treated are [I quote from the marginal analysis]: 
Quibus partibus constet suasoria epistola. Narratio. Diuisio. Co/zfu- 

tatio Definitiones singulorum. Honestuw. Rectum. Virtus. Offi- 

cium Laudabile. Vtile De simplici conclusione. Persona. 

Nomen. Natura etc., etc. 

64 : 9 — 65 : 28 . Translation from M. I. 

64 : 25-27. This copybook moral is added by Cox. 

65 : 2. " As Erasmus dothe in his epistle prefixed afore his oracyow 
made to the prayse of folysshnes." See " Moriae Encomivm Erasmi 
Roterodami Declamatio .... Anuerpien;z M.D.XII," and innumerable 
other editions. The epistle is addressed to Thomas More. Its length is 
three quarto (= octavo size) pages. 

65 : io: " Polycyans oracyons made to the laude of hystoryes " are also 
cited several times in M's. de Rhetorica {e.g. ed. 1523 D vi, a and b). 



no THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

65 : 29 f . Not in M. Drawn by Cox probably from Erasmus. The 
laude of matrimony was a subject which Erasmus treated on several occa- 
sions {e.g. in his Praise of Folly, Colloquies, etc.). See the translation in 
Wilson's Arte of Rhetorique, 1553 (fol. 21 b. et seq.), of "An Epistle to 
perswade a young ientleman to Mariage, deuised by Erasmus in the 
behalfe of his frende." 

66 : 5. See Erasmus, " Declamationes duae. Altera exhortatoria de 
Matrimonio ; altera Artis Medicae Laudes Complectens." Cologne 15 18. 

66 : 3 — 67 : 23. Translation from M. I. See supra pp. 97-98. 

66 : 24. See Sallust, Catiline Ch. li. M. only paraphrases Sallust's 
text and does not quote it directly. Cox goes to the original and trans- 
lates an additional sentence, i. e. " Haud facile animus verum providet, 
ubi ilia officiunt." 

66 : 32. Livy, Book V, Ch. xliv. 

67 : 14. Cicero, pro lege Manilla. 

67 : 22. " The oracyon that Porcyus Cato made agaynste the sumptu- 
ousnes of the women of Rome." In Livy, History of Roi?ie, Bk. XXXIV, 
Ch. ii. What follows is translated by Cox out of Livy. 

67 : 34 — 68 : 13. Translation from M. I. See supra p. 98. 

67 : 36. "As Livius .... begynneth his oracyon," i. e., the speech 
attributed to the consul Posthumius by Livy, Book XXXIX, Ch. xv. 

68 : 13. Cox introduces here a very significant variation from his 
original. Instead of Cox's remark in regard to the need of unity in the 
church, Melanchthon's illustration runs : "ut vindicare Germaniam a pon- 
tificia tyrannide, et pium et necessarium est hoc tempore." Cox is writ- 
ing in the days of Henry VIII before the actual separation from Rome 
and before he had become one of Edward VI's preachers of the reformed 
faith. The party of the humanists, More, Erasmus, and their followers, 
while standing for reform, stood also for unity in the church. 

68 : 17-20, 25-28. Translations from M. I. See supra p. 98. The quo- 
tations from Cicero and Livy are not given at length in M. 

68 :2i. See Cicero, pro lege Manilia ii : " Bellum grave et pericu- 
losum vestris vectigalibus atque sociis a duobus potentissimis regibus 
infertur, Mithridate et Tigrane. " 

68 : 26—69 : 23. See Livy, Bk. XXX, Ch. xxx. 

69 : 27-32. See Livy, loc. cit. 

69 124-26, 33-35. Translation from M. I. 

6 9 : 35 — 7° : 8. Explanatory matter added by Cox. 

70 : 6. " The greke proverbe : " 

8(><rKo\a ra K<x\a 
Beautiful things are difficult. 
70:9-21, 25-28. Translation with amplification from M. I. 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE in 

71 : 6-7, 10-16, 22-33. Translation from M. I. See supra p. 99. 

71 : 10 £. Note the significant omissions from the original of Melanch- 
thon. (See supra p. 99). Allusions of a theological or Protestant bear- 
ing are carefully excluded by Cox. Later in life we find Cox writing or 
translating entire treatises on such subjects. 

71 : 30 f . On these three "States" see Wilson, Arte of Rhetorique 
1553, fol. 49 f. 

72 : 3 f . This "example" is merely hinted at in M. I. Cox brings 
the story-at-length perhaps out of Melanchthon's de Rhetorica, or from 
Trapezuntius (ed. 1522, fol. 20 b); both under the same topic of State 
Conjectural give the Ulysses-Ajax example. 

72 : 24-34. Translation from M. I. See supra p. 100. 

73 : 1 f . See Cicero, pro Milone x. 

73 : 1 — 75 : 4. Not found in M. I. 

74 : 13 f. See Cicero, pre lege Manilla ii : " Primum mihi videtur de 
genere belli ; deinde de magnitudine ; turn de imperatore deligendo esse 
dicendum." 

74 : 23 f. Op. cit. x. 

75 :5 — 13. Translation from M. I. See supra p. 100. 
75 : 18 f. See Cicero, pro L. Flacco, iv. 

75 133 f. The citation of traits of national character was a stock illus- 
tration in the old Rhetorics. E.g. Wilson's Arte of Rhetorique fol. 95 a. 
See also Erasmus, Praise of Folly, 91. 

76 : 7 f. In Ovid, Epistolce Heroidum II. 

76 : 17. See Terence, Andria, Act I, Sc. i, 52-54. 

76 : 21. Ovid, op. cit., xiv. 

77 : 2 f . See Cicero, in L. Pisonem I. 

77 : 3 J -34> 78 : 17-26. Here Cox takes up again the thread of his 
original, dropped since p. 58. See supra pp. 100-101. As usual, much 
is added not to be found in M. I. 

77 :35- Terence, Andria, Act I, Sc. i, at end. 

78 .4. Ovid, op. cit., V. 

78 : 31 — 79 : 9, 79 ; 18-32, 80 : 4-17, 29-37, 8l : 5 -6 - Free translation 
from M. I. See supra p. 101. 

81 : 1. See Sallust, Catilina, lit. 

81 :8 — 82 14. See Cicero, de Inventione, Bk. II, Ch. xxxv. A direct 
translation. 

82 : 18 f. After M. I. Cox has as usual expanded M.'s illustration (of 
Orestes). 

82 131 — 83 : 1. Translation from M. I. 

83 : 4. Here again Cox abandons M., who is treading on the dangerous 
ground of religious illustration. He now turns to Cicero, whom he fol- 



H2 THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 

lows intermittently through the rest of this work. See Cicero, de Inven- 
tione, Bk. II, Ch. xl. The illustration that follows is translated from Ch. li of 
the same work. 

84 : 14 f . The two illustrations which follow seem to be furnished by 
Cox independently. 

85 : 27 f. A similar illustration with somewhat different terms is recited 
by Cicero, Ch. xl. 

86 : 30-32. Translation from M. I. See supra p. 102. The illustration 
which follows is drawn from Cicero, Ch. 1. 

87 : 19-21. Translation from M. I. See supra p. 102. 

87:18. "He shulde nat have suffred of convenient," i. e., properly, 
justly. 

87 : 34. Cox probably means only that his work, like the de Inventione 
of Cicero, covers only the one division of Rhetoric concerned with inven- 
tion, although he may also intend here to record his obligations in the last 
part of his own work to Cicero's work. 

88 : 2. Similarly Melanchthon (de Rhetorica, C viii a) refers readers 
who may desire a more extended treatment of the subject to Trapezuntius. 
Trapezuntius presents little more than a paraphrase of Hermogenes. The 
latter was a Greek rhetorician of the time of Marcus Aurelius who wrote 
five works covering the field of rhetoric. On the Rhetoric of Trapezun- 
tius cf. Voigt, Wiederbelebung des classischen Alterthiuns (Berlin, 1893) 
Vol. II, 443- 

88 .5. Horace, Ars Poetica, 335-6. 

88 : 9. Justinian, Institutiones, Liber Primus, I De iustitia et iure : 
.... "si statim ab initio rudem adhuc et infirmum animum studiosi mul- 
titudine ac varietate rerum oneravimus, duorum alterum aut desertorem 
studiorem efficiemus aut cum magno labore eius, saepe etiam cum diffi- 
dentia" .... etc. 

88:19. Cox probably refers to Aristotle's Metaphysics, 993 B 13-15 : 
"It is just to be grateful, not only to those whose opinions we share, but- 
also to more superficial thinkers, for these too have contributed something. 
For they have helped our development." And see what follows. 

—In B the colophon reads as follows : 

" Imprinted at London in Fletestrete by saynt Dunstones chyrche / 
at the sygne of the George / by me Robert Redman. The yere of our 
lorde god a thousande/fyue hundred and two and thyrty. Cum priuilegio." 

Beneath there is a woodcut of architectural scrolls. F viii recto is 
blank. F viii verso contains a woodcut representing two nude figures 
holding a shield on which appears the monogram of Robert Redman, with 
his name below. The shield is surmounted by a helmet with scrolls. 



GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 



Including the chief technical terms of rhetoric used, and the names of the chief 
writers and others cited by Cox. 

The several references to the use of similar technical terms of rhetoric in 
"Wilson" that follow are to Sir Thos. Wilson's Arte of Rhetorique, 1553. 



"Abdicate or forsaken of his father" 

84 124, 28 
Abiecte 84 : 19 cast off, disowned 
Absolute state negociall 80 : 10 f. 
Absolution, absolucyon (in Rhetoric) 

79 : 10 f. (defined) 
Accepte 42 : 2 acceptable 
Ado 73 : 9 concern, interest 
Affectuouse 54 : 28 full of emotion. Lat., 

"haec affectuum verba " 
Affynes 47:12, 33 the "Affinia" of 

Melanchthon. Things having affin- 
ity with other things 
Afore 42 : 3 ; 48 : 23, etc., before 
Alleuiate 54 : 18 ("to a. your mindes") 

to lighten, to relieve 
Almaynes 75 : 35 Germans 
Alonly 50 : 11 only, alone 
Ambages 55 : 9 to use a. = "to go 

.... rounde about the bussh." 
Ambassades 41 : 30 ; 82 : 1 1 embassage, 

embassy 
Angele see Policiane 
Antecessours 41:12 predecessors 
Antytheme (A), Anthethem (B) 44 : 7 

the matter which the orator shall 

speak of 
Apeyreth 42 : 8 M. E. Apeyren, to 

harm, impair 
Approbate 86 : 37 approved 
Appropred 80 : 7 appropriated, set 

aside as proper 
Apte 41 : 30 likely, fitted 
Aquiatyn 59 : 36 (Aquitaine) 
Aris tides 52 
Aristotle 42, 45, 46, 88 
Assay 43 : 4 essay, attempt 
Assumptyue state negociall 80 : 29 f ., 

Cf. Wilson fol. 53 b 



Attencion 50:13; 54:31 one of the 

"places" of the Preamble 
Attendaunce 54 : 36 attention 
Attente 54 : 32 attentive 
Auaunced 81 : 30 advanced 

20; 60 : 2, etc., authority 
32 the act of hearing 



Auctoritie 57 
Audyence 54 : 
Austen, St. 57 



Barbarus see Hermolaus 

Barbours 80 : 20 barbarous 

Basyl, St. 50 f. 

Batyle (A); bataile (B); 58 : 28; 53 : 14 

battle 
Be 42 : 26 for been in pi. indie. 
Beneuolence 50 : 13 f., etc., one of the 

" places " of the Preamble 
Bewrayed 61 : 21 revealed, made 

known 
Blake 53 : 29 black 
Bounden 41:7 for bound 
Brenne 61 .-32; Brente 62 : 5 to burn 
Bruyt 56 : 12 reputation 
Buckled 73:28 "They b. togyther," 

they encountred or fought 
By Cause = because 46 : 5; 86 : 5, etc. 
Byenge 47 : 7 buying 

Caleys, a law of, 85 
Camillus, Roman dictator 58 
Carrynge 53 : 18 'to " carry on " 
Caste 78:15 ("caste hym afore the 

senate ") accused, convicted 
Cato 56 

Cesar 56, 62, 66 

Charles, i. e., Charlemagne 59 f. 
Chirurgiens 83 : 28 surgeons 



13 



114 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RETHORYKE 



Cicero 88 
pro Milone 44, 48, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 

78, 80 
pro Archia 51 
Epistolce, ad Lentulum 51 
pro Ccecina 51 

/re Pompeio 52, 57, 67, 68, 74 
pro Ccelio 52 
^n? Sexto Roscio 52 
^;t? Murena 52 
^>r0 Marcello 62 
_^r<? Flacco 75 
Orationes post reditum 52 
dfe /<?gv? agraria 53 
z>z Pisonem 77 
afe Inventione 81, 83, 87 
Commodiouse 65 : 17 profitable 
Commodities 60 : 33; 65 : 19, etc., in- 
terest, advantage 
Commune 43 : 12; 44 : 24, etc., to con- 
verse 
Commutatiue equite 47 : 4 
Comon places (of Rhetoric) 82 : 1 
Comprobacion (in Rhetoric) 78 : 25 
Comynaltye 42 : 19; 52 : 19, etc., com- 
munity, commonwealth, the commons 
Conclusion or Peroration 64, etc. 
Confutacion, the seconde parte of con- 

tencion 64 f. 
Confyrmacion, the fyrste parte of con- 

tencion 63 f.; 65 f. 
Coniecturall 71 (state c. in deliberative 

oratory) Cf. Wilson, fol. xlix 
Conster 84 : 8 to construe 
Contencion, or "prouinge of the mat- 
er" 50 : 5 
Contraries 47 : 12 
Contraryly 42 : 4; 76 : 33, etc., on the 

contrary 
To Contrarye 84 : 14 to run contrary to 
Conuenyent 41 124; 43 : 15, etc., suit- 
able, apt, becoming 
Coroune (A); crowne (B) 47 : 24 
Craft 41:1; 44=35; 49:i4, etc., (see 

title-page) art, skill, artificium 
Crafty 51 : 6; 71 : 20 skilful 
Crayer 83 : 9 a small vessel 
Cunnynge 41:8 skilful, knowing 
Curiositie 58 : 2; 88 : 11 nicety, curi- 
ous art 



Deceytable 79 : 12 deceptive 
Deducte 59 : 13, etc., deduced 
Defayt 58 : 30 to deprive, to defeat 
Defended 58 : 9 repelled, warded off 
Definicion (in Rhetoric) 45 f.; 83 : 2 f., 

Cf. Wilson 52 
Delate (v. t.) 48 : 21 to expand, amplify 
Delyberatyue oracion 44 : 32; 66 f., 

Cf. Wilson, fol. 16 a 
Demonstratyue oracion 44 : 32; 49 : 

18 f., etc., Cf. Wilson, fol. 6 b, etc. 
Demosthenes 43, 49, 52 
Deprecacion (in Rhetoric) 81 : 5 f. 
Descryued 65 : 15 described 
Dialectual (A); dialectycall (B) 47 : 35 
Difficile 43 : 31 (Fr. difficile), difficult 
Disputacion 44 : 31, or "theme logy- 
call." 
Distraught 86 : 33 non compos mentis, 

insane 
Distribucion, a part of Diuisyon 74 : 3, 

9f. 
Distributyue equite 46 : 28 f. 
Diuisyon (in Rhetoric) 45 
Docilite 50:15 f.; 55:6 one of the 
"places" of the Preamble or Exor- 
dium 
Dysposycyon 43 : 19 

Edified 60 : 4 built 
Egall 84 : 12, etc., equal 
Enhabited 67 : 6 had residence, dwelt 
Entwyte 76:7 to twit, to reproach 
Enumeracion 74:11 a part of " distri- 
bucion " in Rhetoric. 
Equite 46 
Erasmus 

Mori(B Encomium 54, 65 

de Conscribendis Epistolis 63 

de Matrimonio 65, 66 

Copia 54 

Artis MediccB Laudes 66 
Euery 44 : 35 (for " each ") ; so 85 : 30 
Excepcion 87 : 19 (as a legal term) 
Exorden or Preamble 50 : 3 exordium 
Exposicion 74 : 12 a part of " distribu"^ 

cion " in Rhetoric 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 



115 



Facultie 43:6; 44 : 4 ; 48 : 6 ; etc., art, 
subject or branch of learning 

Facundiouse 75 :25 eloquent 

Fantasyes 75 : 34 

Earyngton, Hugh, Abbot of Redynge 
41,87 

Fayctes 56 : 24 ; faytes 58 : 29 ; deeds 

Fere 70 : 5 to cause fear to, to frighten 

Fet 52 : 25 ; 63 : 19, etc., fetched ; " fer 
fet" 54 :27 

Folowinges 60 : 22 things that follow. 

Fyers (== fierce) 76 : 24 

Gate 83:25, etc., got 

Gostely 60 : 17 spiritual 

Gouernour 83 : 10, 16 pilot or master of 

a ship 
Gregory, St., Nazazene 50 f. 

Handes 74 : 27. "A man of his h." 
Haniball 68 f . 
Henry VIII 41, 44 
Hermogines 88 
Herniolaus Barbarus 57 
Historicyens 60 : 36 historians. 
Holpe 83 : 25 ; Holpen 80 : 30 helped. 
Homer 53. Cf. 71, 72 f. (the latter are 

drawn from Ovid, more directly) 
Horace {fourth satire), 55, [Ars Poetica) 

88 

Ieoperdouse 63 : 17, hazardous, perilous 

111 see yl. 

Importunatnes 67 : 28 importunity 

Improue, (v.t.) 48 : 9 ; 75 : 19, to dis- 
prove. So " Improuynge ", disprov- 
ing 49 : 5. See Reprouynge. 

Impulsion ("naturall i.") 77 : 33 f. 

Incontinent 73 : 35 forthwith 

Induced 64 : 1 1 introduced 

Insinuacion (in Rhetoric), 53 : 8 f. 

Instructe 42 : 6 instructed • 

Instruments (in Rhetoric) 45 : 18 = or- 
gana of M. 

Inuencyon : 43 : 13 f. Cf. Wilson fol. 3b 

Inuercion (B) [Inuencion (A), by error] 
79= 18 f. 

Ironiously8i : 1 ironically 

Iudiciall oracion 44 : 33 ; 71 f. State 
Iudiciall 71. See "iuridiciall " 



Iuridiciall 79:27 f. ("state i.") Cf. 
Wilson fol. 47a, 53b 

James Antiquarie 57 
Justinian, the Emperour 88 
Knowledge 54 : 16 to acknowledge. 
Knyte 45: 9 knit 
Kyndely 76 : 11 after the way of kind 

or nature. 
Kynred 81 =24 kindred 

Lake (A) == lacke (B): 43 : 17 etc., etc. 
Larcyne (A); larrecine (B) 75 :36 thiev- 

ishness 
Laude 44 : 25 ; 57 : 5, etc., praise 
Layeth for him 82 : 27 ; 83 : 30 argues 

on his own behalf Cf. 84 : 24 
Layth vnto 75 :20 inveighs against 
Legitime or legall justice 46 : 13. State 

legitime 71; 82 : 33 f. Cf. Wilson 

fol. 49a. 
Lese 83 : 6, etc., to lose 
Let ( = to prevent, hinder) 78 : 24 
Livius, 59, 66, 67, 68 
Longeth (A); belongeth (B). 48 : 21 ; 

Cf. 46 131 ; 71 : 16, etc. 
Longynge (A), belongyng (B) 45 : 31 
Losel53:2i a low fellow {i.e., Ther- 

sites) 
Lyeser (A); leyser (B) 78 : 32 leisure 

Maystry 75:27 "they here the m." 
they excell, or are masters. Cf. 87 : 27 

[Melanchthon\ "our author" etc. 42, 
47, 57, 59 

Mere 58 : 23, etc., absolute 

Merites (B) ; merytes (A) 4:33 re- 
wards, benefits 

Metely 51:7 measurably 

Meuyd 57 : 13 moved 

Moo, mo 50:9; 80 : 36 more 

Mucius see Sceuola 

Narracion (part of an oration) 55 : 11 f. 

Cf. Wilson fol. 4a, 58b, etc. 
Nat = not 50 : n (so passing 
Nazazene see Gregory [Nazianzene (B)] 
Negociall 79 : 32 f. (" state n. or iuridi- 
ciall") 
Nones, for the nones 52 : 21 ; 76 : 37 ; 
for the nonce, for the occasion 



n6 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 



Nother (A) ; neyther (B) 46 : 25 — 
nother .... nother = neither .... 
nor, 46 : 25; 49 : 34 

Noughty 75 : 15 bad 

Offyce, i. <?., duty (one of the " places " 
of Rhetoric) 51 : 3 

On slepe 42 : 16 (to fall on slepe) 

Ones 42 : 6 ; 52 : 8, etc., once 

Oppresse 81:13 suppress, cover over 

Oppressyd 78 : 13 repressed 

Opyn 44 : 17; 53 : 32 plain, manifest 

Or 42 : 13 ; or euer 42 : 27 ere 

Orestes 82 

Other (A) eyther (B) 47 : 17 either 

Ought = owed 69 14. 

Ouide 71 (his " Metamorphosy " ) ; Epis- 
tles 76, 78 

Parentele 57 : 14 ; 59 : 27 parentage 

Penury 61 : 6 ("p. of wheat") dearth 
Peregerine or straunge prohemes 52 : 26, 

foreign {Lat. Peregrina exordia) 
Pemicion 56 : 18 destruction, severe 

punishment 
Persuadible (B) ; Parsuadyble (A) 

41 : 28 that which persuades, or is 

concerned with persuasion 
Phrenesy 72 : 11 frenzy, madness 
Placys 44 : 3 f. the Places or Topica of 

Rhetoric ; 44 : 8, 22, etc. — 45 : 18 

(" the places or instruments of a 

theme "). Cf. Wilson fol. 7a, 50a, 

62f, etc. 
Plato 46, 54 
Plato for Pluto 53 

Playnes (A) ; playnnes (B) 44 : 30 ; 

plainness 

Plutarche, his " Lives " 56 

Poetes fayne and lye 53 

Pointment 62 : 2 an agreement, ap- 
pointment 

Policiane 57, 65, 66 

Porcyus Cato 67 

Pose 84:18; 85:2 to put the case, 
suppose 

Poynte 73:3 to appoint 

Preamble 50 : 10 f. 

Preface 72 : 24. See Proeme 

Prepensyd 41:23 considered before- 
hand 



Prepose (A) ; purpose (B) 42 : 3 propose 

Pretenced 78 : 24 intended 

Preuent 73 : 12 to secure in advance 

Priuate 84 : 27 to deprive 

Proeme 51:32; 52:24 preamble, ex- 
ordium — proheme 52 : 3 etc. 

Proposicion (in Rhetoric) 63 f. 

Proposion 65 :g, 18; 68 : 12 for propo- 
sition 

Propriete (A) = Property (B) 43 : 17 ; 
75 : 31, etc., faculty, virtue 

Purgacion (in Rhetoric) 80 : 37 

Pyked 53 : 16, pointed, peaked ; 76 :35 
picked 

Pynchynge 51:29 to accuse, blame. 
Oris: Lat. perstringere 

Quenes 76 : 36 queans, wenches 

Raciocination 77 : 32 f.; 78 : 17 f. 
Redman {Robert), the printer 88 
Redyng, town of 41 
Refell 84 : 4 to refute 
Refellynge 71:4 refuting 
Reioyse 52 : 8 joy, cause of rejoicing 
Retnocion of the faute 82 : 8 f. 
Reprouynge 58 : 4 disproving. See 
Improue 

Saluste 56, 66, 81 

Sceuola, Caius Mucius 61 f. 

Seiunction 74 £., a part of " Diuision " 

Selden 63 : 2 seldom 

Sene 53 :28, scene, drama 

Sensible 42 : 1 perceptible 

Seruisable 41:16 prepared for render- 
ing service 

Soilynge 64:10; 71:4, refuting or 
impugning 

Somdele 54 : 18, etc., somewhat 

Speces(A); spices (B) 44:33; 47 = 8 
Species, or " kindes of oracions " 

State (in Rhetoric) 71 f. etc. Lat. 
status, Gr. ardcris, the character of 
the case as determined by the nature 
of the proposition on which issue is 
joined. Cf. Wilson 48 b (for defini- 
tion) 

Statute (v.t.) 46:16 ("to make or 
statute laws ") 

Stegie, for Styx 53 : 31 



THE ARTE OR CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 



117 



Stepend(A); stipende (B) 41 : 15 

Sterne 83 : rudder, tiller. Lat. guber- 
naculum 

Streyghtly (A); stray tly (B) 41:15 
narrowly, closely 

Stutted 79 : 7 stuttered 

Surete 56:11 rectitude, trustworthi- 
ness 

Surry en 77:5. Lat. Syrus 

Suspecte 53 : 24; 71 : 35, etc., open to 
suspicion 

Swaueland 59:36 Suabia 

Sygnes (in Rhetoric) 78 : 34 f. 

Sygnyfycacion 41:16 sign 

Syttynge (B) — in (A) " fettynge " (fit- 
ting) 56:27 

Tal men 76 : 36 bold, brave, men 
Tarquine, 60 : 36 

Temerarious 51 : 33 headstrong, rash 
Temerie (A) ; temerite (B) 51 : 32. Lat. 

impudentia 
Terence 55, 76, 77 
Theme 44 : 6 f. See " Antytheme " 
Ther sites 53 
Tho 43: 15, etc., those 
Thucydides 49 
Translatynge or Translacion (in 

Rhetoric) 80 : 33 ; 82 : 18 ; Lat. trans- 

latio criminis 



Trapesonce 88 Trapezuntius 
Treatise 59 : 11 treaties 
Tributours 68 : 21 tributaries 
Tully. See Cicero 
Tuscaye 61 Tuscany 
Tymerouse 76 : 16 timid 

Valyantnes 59 : 2 valor 

Virgile 53 

Vncurteysly 76 : 8 discourteously 

Vnderstanden, Vnderstonde 54 : 36 ; 

85 : 12, 18, etc., understood 
Vndiscrete 85:16 indiscrete, lacking in 

discretion 
Vnied 45 : 9 united 
Vnplaine 86 : 27 not plain, obscure 
Vnthryfty 80 : 26 vagabond, worthless 
Vre 46 : 20 use 

Whatsomever 42 : 3 = whatsoever 
Whether 61 : 20 ; 74 : 35, etc. which one 

(of two) 
Who, Whom (personal and impersonal 
relative). Impersonal (for "which") 
44:4; 48:5; 49:4 ; 51 :g, etc. 
Whosomeuer 43 : 1 1 whosoever 
" Wrytynge and sentence " 84 : 37 

Ydolyshe 68 : 1 connected with idols, 

or idolatry 
Yl 49 : 25 evil 



FOUNDED BY JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER 



ENGLISH STUDIES 

(No. V) 



LEONARD COX 



THE ARTE OR 
CRAFTE OF RHETHORYKE 



A REPRINT 

EDITED 
WITH AN INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND GLOSSARIAL INDEX 

BY 

FREDERIC IVES CARPENTER, Ph.D. 



CHICAGO 

3 be Tnniversitg of Cbicago pteas 

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